Is universal access to antiretroviral drugs an emerging international norm?

Youde, Jeremy

doi:10.1057/jird.2008.10

Cited by 11 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…States which are concerned about how other states perceive them often feel social pressure to adopt and implement norms. Global health governance has embodied several contentious norms, such as the expectation that states should promote population health ("right to health" or the "right to primary health care") and the expectation that states should report contagious disease outbreaks under the International Health Regulations (Davies, Kamradt-Scott, and Rushton 2015;Youde 2008). Some scholars assert that states have accepted the norm of access to ART, because they have created the aforementioned programs to fund medications for millions of PLHIV (Kapstein and Busby 2013;Youde 2008).…”

Section: The Aids Enterprisementioning

confidence: 99%

“…The norm of access to AIDS treatment fits these conditions, particularly when activists, celebrities, and politicians emphasized the deaths of children and women in their advocacy for universal ART access (Kapstein and Busby 2013). The norm appeared to be widely accepted when all United Nations member-states signed the 2001 Declaration of Commitment which explicitly called for universal access, when the WHO endorsed the specific goal of placing three million PLHIV who needed ART on medication by 2005, and when world leaders such as US President George W. Bush promoted access to AIDS medications (Youde 2008;Bush 2003). As a result, by 2015, 15 million people (or 41% of those who needed ART) could access AIDS medications.…”

Section: The Aids Enterprisementioning

confidence: 99%

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Dependent Agency in the Global Health Regime

Anderson¹,

Patterson²

2017

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During fieldwork at a Lusaka AIDS clinic in 2011, an elderly woman approached one of the authors, wanting to "tell her story" as a person living with HIV and AIDS (PLHIV). 1 The woman was poorly dressed and quite thin; she had come to the clinic to get her monthly supply of antiretroviral treatment (ART), drugs paid for by the US Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). Hearing people's personal stories was common during fieldwork, though these testimonials usually were given in the context of solicited interviews. And while some researchers paid "sitting fees" to hear such stories, this author did not. Because the author had several appointments, there was no time to meet with the woman. The author explained the situation and went to her meetings, assuming the woman would leave. At the end of the day, the woman was still at the clinic, sitting under a tree. She approached the researcher and asked for a ride to the city center. With several clinic officials watching the exchange, the author felt uncomfortable. She knew the traffic would be terrible, but she had spent the day interviewing people about the economic needs of PLHIV. Wouldn't it be hypocritical to not give this elderly woman a ride? And she felt guilty that the woman had waited all day, even though she was pretty sure that the woman had understood that there would be no interview. Ultimately, she gave the woman a ride and a 5,000 kwacha note. Only after the woman bounded from the car at the final destination did the author realize she had never even heard 1 We use the acronym PLHIV to stand for both the single and plural form, or person or people living with HIV. 2 the woman's story (Participant observation, PLHIV-author encounter, Lusaka, May 10, 2011). This participant observation highlights the broader themes of this volume: the various ways that individuals and communities respond to Africa's high dependency on donor health funds. We refer to these local actors as "dependent agents" and develop the concept of "dependent agency"-the condition in which these actors can simultaneously act and be dependent. Ask most people in the West about their impressions of Africa, and they will probably highlight the continent's perceived weakness and powerlessness in the international realm, its high rates of poverty and unemployment, and its deep dependence on foreign aid and commodity exports (Ayittey 1999; Englebert 2009). The continent is like the elderly woman in the Lusaka clinic: it has economic needs, some of which are met by external actors. Yet even within these broader structures of dependence, Africans show agency. They maneuver in "tight corners" in ways that demonstrate the capacity "to resist, and sometimes to deflect what appears to be their structural fate," with effects that are not inconsequential (Lonsdale 2000). For example, African states raise new issues at the United Nations, and some manipulate donors to gain material benefits or to avoid criticism of their authoritarian practices (Brown and Harman 2013). As an agent, the Zambian woman s...

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Section: The Aids Enterprisementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Aids Enterprisementioning

confidence: 99%

Dependent Agency in the Global Health Regime

Anderson¹,

Patterson²

2017

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“…The order of fairness is grounded in the language of human rights, which is increasingly invoked in global health conflicts (Inoue and Drori 2006; Youde 2008; Reubi 2012). From the fairness point of view, the problem of health is not one of biological vulnerability to Nature, but a problem of distributional (in)justice and thus of health equity and non-discrimination 5 .…”

Section: Four Moral Orders Of Health In Global Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Orders of worth and the moral conceptions of health in global politics

Hanrieder

2016

Int. Theory

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The article analyzes the contested concept of global health through the lens of orders of worth. Drawing on pragmatist political and social theory, especially the work of Boltanski and Thévenot, I conceptualize orders of worth as moral narratives that connect visions of universal humankind to ideas about moral worth and deficiency. They thereby differ from the self/other narrative of political identity that is emphasized in International Relations scholarship. Orders of worth do not pitch a particularistic identity against foreign identities, but tie collective identity to a higher common good. They provide tools for moral evaluation and the justification of hierarchy. I use this heuristic to reconstruct four main conceptions of health in global politics: The order of survival, the order of fairness, the order of production, and the order of spirit. Each of them articulates a distinct political identity, as ‘we species’, ‘we liberals’, ‘we bodies’ and ‘we souls’, and implies different notions of virtuous and selfish conduct in the global community. These orders are derived from scholarly writings and the policies of global health institutions. Finally, I discuss the nature of compromises between the four orders regarding contested issues such as health emergencies or digital medicine.

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“…Shiffman and Smith have examined in detail the tragic failure of campaigners to win enhanced international support to protect maternal mortality (Shiffman and Smith, 2007; Youde (2008) discusses the failure of the universal primary health care norm). Their ultimate conclusion was that campaigners lacked consensus on a policy prescription.…”

Section: Why the Aids Treatment Campaign Succeededmentioning

confidence: 99%