2016
DOI: 10.1080/13613324.2016.1248819
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“It’s like this Myth of the Supernegro”: resisting narratives of damage and struggle in the neoliberal educational policy context

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Cited by 47 publications
(37 citation statements)
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“…We argue that these Black educators’ positioning of Black students as in need and worthy of protection is extraordinary. It is extraordinary not because these educators are superhuman, “magical,” or “uniquely qualified” (Baldridge, 2017; Bristol & Mentor, 2018, p. 231) but because the ways they think about and care for Black children’s lives is uncommon, even in a society in which Black-child-life is visibly threatened. We do not suggest that all Black educators everywhere articulate a race-conscious awareness around protection or enact mechanisms of protection, nor that they are the only ones to do so.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…We argue that these Black educators’ positioning of Black students as in need and worthy of protection is extraordinary. It is extraordinary not because these educators are superhuman, “magical,” or “uniquely qualified” (Baldridge, 2017; Bristol & Mentor, 2018, p. 231) but because the ways they think about and care for Black children’s lives is uncommon, even in a society in which Black-child-life is visibly threatened. We do not suggest that all Black educators everywhere articulate a race-conscious awareness around protection or enact mechanisms of protection, nor that they are the only ones to do so.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although snowball sampling can identify potential participants that meet selection criteria and provide in-depth understandings, this method can produce bias by limiting the diverse perspectives generated by the resulting nonrandom sample (Penrod et al, 2003;Ritchie et al, 2014;Valerio et al, 2016). We tried to reduce bias by using other recruitment strategies (e.g., letters home to families), using references as links to identify potential participants, and documenting the referral chain to keep track of potential participants (Atkinson & Flint, 2001;Penrod et al, 2003;Ritchie et al, 2014).…”
Section: Interviewsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Youth action researchers invoking BRN in their political views is not surprising considering that many contemporary discourses of Black empowerment and action lend themselves to BRN narratives that focus on strategic navigation of dehumanizing systems and institutions to achieve ''progress'' (Spence, 2015), rather than the undermining of Clay those systems. Black political leadership, both now and historically, have demonstrated a capitulation to neoliberal politics that, along with other social and political forces, led to the destruction of the Black left as leaders succumbed to the politics of ''Black capitalism,'' personal accountability, and school choice (Baldridge, 2017;Dawson, 2013;Dumas, 2015;Reed, 1988). As the nonprofit arm of the state increasingly provides opportunities for youth of color to engage ''social justice'' in their communities in ways that ask them to view their communities as deficient (Kwon, 2013), it becomes increasingly more likely that political empowerment is state sponsored and framed as collective accommodation and assimilation.…”
Section: Discussion: Unhinging From Black Resilience Neoliberalismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These beliefs of exceptionality in the United States, as well as misguided federal policies promulgating educational inequality, contribute to the limited effectiveness in educational reform (Berliner, 2013; Taines, 2011; Zirkel, 2005). Yet, ironically, neoliberal educational policy is sold as the bedrock of the American Dream and this belief is commonly perpetuated by the media and by U.S. leaders (Baldridge, 2016). See, for example, this comment offered by former-President Barack Obama who stated, [W]hatever the training may be, every American will need to get more than a high school diploma .…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This isolation serves at least two purposes: It creates difficulties in accessing the necessary social networks to propel inner-city community members toward successful futures and opportunities that mainstream U.S. society has access to more readily (Quane & Wilson, 2012; Young, 2004). And, beyond this, isolation renders the urban poor as “other” and undermines any larger systemic critique, sustaining a sense of permanency for urban people of color in this isolated position (Baldridge, 2016). The forms of capital deemed valuable for social movement are part of a larger legacy of racism in the U.S., and therefore continue to isolate and create an apartheid, based on race and class, between the resources available to youth of color and those in White, middle-class communities and educational systems.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%