Italian Foreign Policy: Domestic Politics, International Requirements and the European Dimension

Andreatta, Filippo

doi:10.1080/07036330801959564

Cited by 21 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…In fact, after the end of the Cold War, a broad consensus emerged on the belief that military engagement would contribute to an increase in the country’s prestige in international relations (Davidson, 2009; Carati and Locatelli, 2015; Romero, 2016). On the other hand, as noted by James Walston (2007), despite being successful in gaining a reputation as a middle power (see also Andreatta, 2001), Italy could not fully turn it into influence due to its domestic weakness (Andreatta, 2008) – with the result of feeding a perception of unreliability. The need to compensate for this reputation has been seen by some scholars as key to the two main pillars of the Italian diplomacy: the dual relationship with the United States and Europe (Romano, 2009; Croci, 2007).…”

Section: An Eclectic Model Of Military Intervention In Multilateral Omentioning

confidence: 99%

Why did Italy contribute to UNIFIL II? An analytical eclectic analysis

Cladi

Locatelli

2018

Riv. ital. sci. polit.

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After the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah, the UN launched the peacekeeping operation UNIFIL II. Italy embarked on the demanding task of taking responsibility for leading the mission. We present a model of military intervention in multilateral operations that aims at highlighting the mechanisms at stake. In so doing, we argue that an analytical eclectic approach offers a novel explanation of Italy’s behaviour. We explain the drivers of Italy’s intervention in Lebanon in two ways. First, we analyse Italy’s actions at the outset of the crisis. Second, we provide an account of the parliamentary debate that took place in both chambers of the Italian Parliament between July and October 2006.

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Section: An Eclectic Model Of Military Intervention In Multilateral Omentioning

confidence: 99%

Why did Italy contribute to UNIFIL II? An analytical eclectic analysis

Cladi

Locatelli

2018

Riv. ital. sci. polit.

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“…Sometimes scholars have minimized the effect of such divisions on IFP, arguing that the stable commitment of both ruling and opposition elites to the Atlantic Alliance and the European integration process along with the country's consolidated role of middle power prevented any drastic change in its foreign policy (Davidson, 2009;Bonvicini et al, 2011;Cladi and Webber, 2011). At other times, scholars have contended that relative closeness to Atlanticism or Europeanism (Carbone, 2007;Walston, 2007) as well as willingness to use military force or act within supranational and transnational institutional settings were influenced by governments' ideological orientation (Brighi, 2007;Quaglia, 2007;Andreatta, 2008). Both lines of research have based their assessments on the analysis of Italy's foreign policy outputs, while substantially disregarding the attitudinal predispositions underpinning the foreign policy choices of Italian decision-makers and their possible disconnections with other actors (and levels of action) of the foreign policy-making system.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…'Europeanism') and supranational institutions was stronger with centre-left governments (e.g. Brighi, 2007;Quaglia, 2007;Andreatta, 2008).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The alleged consensus: Italian elites and publics on foreign policy

Olmastroni

2017

Riv. ital. sci. polit.

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The article compares the way Italian (governmental and political) elites and (organized and general) publics perceive the international system and conceive of the role of Italy in it by using an ad hoc survey conducted specifically for this study. In order to establish whether a horizontal (left-right) and vertical (top-down) consensus exists on foreign policy, special attention has been paid to divergence and convergence patterns in terms of threat perception, feelings towards the (American and European) allies, support for the main institutional mechanisms of coordination and cooperation, and willingness to use military power to defend the constituted order and the national interest, while controlling for the position and level of action of each actor within the foreign policy-making process as well as her or his ideological orientation. While tracing elites’ and publics’ attitudes towards a wide range of foreign policy and security issues, the article reveals the effect of ideological and situational factors on the strategic preferences of national policy-makers and public opinion. In doing this, it contributes to define both the substance and boundaries of the alleged consensus, based on shared norms and historical legacies, supposedly overcoming socio-economic and political cleavages in matters of foreign policy

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“…However, as Diodato ( 2022 ) underlines, this is intended in a more exclusionary fashion, as a new alternative form of cooperation based on a wider multilateralism of people built around the Mediterranean basin. Although it recalls the 'genetic multilateralism' of Italy (Andreatta 2008 ), this conception is distinctively populist as it includes a central reference to exalting the ‘people’ and an antagonistic discursive logic (Diodato 2022 ).…”

Section: Shared Nrcs Between Convergence and Differencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

National role conceptions and populist parties in Europe between heterogeneity and convergence

Perini

2022

Comp Eur Polit

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Drawing from the National Role Conceptions (NRCs) framework, this paper seeks to assess whether, beneath the ideological, structural or discursive differences exposed in the literature, a pattern of convergence among the foreign policies of populist parties in Europe can be identified in how these conceive the orientation and tasks that their countries should follow in the international system. Comparing the NRCs which emerge from the foreign policy discourse of three populist parties of diverse persuasions—Front National/Rassemblement National in France, Movimento 5 Stelle in Italy, Podemos in Spain—the paper argues that these parties share the underlying conception of a decisively pro-active, transformative and value-based role for their countries in both European and global perspectives, which the different articulations of the people/other dichotomy in their foreign policy discourse affect and differentiate in terms of goals and preferences..

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Italian Foreign Policy: Domestic Politics, International Requirements and the European Dimension

Cited by 21 publications

References 2 publications

Why did Italy contribute to UNIFIL II? An analytical eclectic analysis

Why did Italy contribute to UNIFIL II? An analytical eclectic analysis

The alleged consensus: Italian elites and publics on foreign policy

National role conceptions and populist parties in Europe between heterogeneity and convergence

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