Kashmir and Palestine: itineraries of (anti) colonial solidarity

Osuri, Goldie

doi:10.1080/1070289x.2019.1675334

Cited by 6 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 24 publications

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“…While acknowledging the disparate trajectories of occupation and coloniality in Kashmir and Palestine, Zia nonetheless traces the work affect does in bringing together communities under siege towards articulating transnational forms of resistance. In distinct but related manner, Osuri (2019) deploys affective dissonance to query her own position as a scholar of colonialism and how that has shaped her engagement with questions of sovereignty, violence and imperialism in Kashmir. Osuri thinks with Hemmings to interrogate her own position as a non-Kashmiri scholar not towards absolving herself but channelling dissonance as a yearning for more accountable forms of knowledge (Osuri, 2019; p. 3).…”

Section: Feminist Conceptions Of Dissonancementioning

confidence: 99%

“…In distinct but related manner, Osuri (2019) deploys affective dissonance to query her own position as a scholar of colonialism and how that has shaped her engagement with questions of sovereignty, violence and imperialism in Kashmir. Osuri thinks with Hemmings to interrogate her own position as a non-Kashmiri scholar not towards absolving herself but channelling dissonance as a yearning for more accountable forms of knowledge (Osuri, 2019; p. 3). Accountable knowledge in this context can include interrogating epistemic frameworks that justify occupation as a “necessary” condition, tracing transnational links of coloniality and economic liberalisation that deepen conditions of war, exposing silences, contradictions, solidarities of convenience (for instance, Indian state with Palestine) and how state-led militaristic projects deepen gendered and racialised hierarchies.…”

Section: Feminist Conceptions Of Dissonancementioning

confidence: 99%

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Notes on feminist dissonance

Pandit¹

2022

JACPR

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the potentiality of dissonance, especially as it engaged with feminist theory to raise familiar yet pertinent questions about undertaking research in contexts riven with political and epistemic violence. Drawing on the ethnographic fieldwork in the Kashmir valley, the author tracks the work dissonance does in shaping the research questions we ask, the methodological choices we make and its insistence on embodying a critical politics of location. The author then goes on to trace how dissonance variously emerged in the field and its theoretical implications in explaining the complex processes of military occupation in the Kashmir valley and how it takes hold in everyday life. That is, everyday sense of dissonance as explicated by interviewees brings to light the functions of military occupation but more importantly, it remains imbued with possibilities that contest, challenge and refuse to normalise militarised forms of state-led oppression. Overall, this paper makes the case for remaining with dissonance as a disruptive feminist possibility with epistemic and political potential. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on ethnographically informed fieldwork located in feminist approaches to doing qualitative research. Findings The author argues for engaging with experiences of dissonance during research process as productive affects that can yield politically and epistemically useful forms of analysis that contest dominant forms of thinking and knowing. Originality/value This paper builds on existing feminist thinking on dissonance to contribute to peace research and the urgent need to centre locational politics and power inequalities as we contest dominant knowledge.

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Section: Feminist Conceptions Of Dissonancementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Feminist Conceptions Of Dissonancementioning

confidence: 99%

Notes on feminist dissonance

Pandit¹

2022

JACPR

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“…For several months, Kashmir was put under complete communication blackout, with thousands of Kashmiris arrested. This dissolution of nominal autonomy exemplified the state's settler colonial advances in the region (Kanjwal, 2019;Osuri, 2020), especially since Article 35A that granted Jammu and Kashmir the authority to decide its 'permanent residents' who could own property and buy land in the region was dissolved, paving the way for Indians to settle in the region (Kanjwal, 2019). 2.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This rich and emergent body of work also argues how dominant knowledge on Kashmir that engages with the political conflict as a bilateral or security matter between India and Pakistan elides not only Kashmiri histories, people’s conceptualisation of the Indian state’s presence as ‘military occupation’ and ongoing resistance to occupation but also Kashmiris’ long-standing demand for self-determination. Inevitably, what these dominant epistemic and political frameworks made ‘thinkable’ (Trouillot, 1995) were nation-based and nation-state political imaginaries that marginalise, if not always elide, indigenous political and epistemic claims (Pandit, 2020). This is distinctly evident in the discourse justifying the NIA raid, which was conducted to investigate ‘secessionist and separatist activities’ ( Wire , 2020).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Re-membering: Tracing epistemic implications of feminist and gendered politics under military occupation

Pandit

2022

Feminist Theory

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In this article, I trace ‘re-membering’ as a feminist practice in the context of gendered activism under military occupation in Kashmir. Drawing on its anticolonial feminist roots, I conceptualise re-membering as practices that do not simply put together what has been severed or dismembered by coloniality but they also, in doing so, propose different frames of looking. I think through re-membering by focusing on two intertwining sites of gendered and feminist activism in Kashmir: protests that re-member the disappeared and activist representation under military occupation. A feminist analysis of these activist strategies grounded in anticolonial thinking suggests that re-membering in the specificity of its emergence under conditions of heightened control does multivalent work: it contests dominant claims and the coloniality of the Indian state, thereby exposing the continuum of violence including its carceral, psychic, discursive forms that co-constitute and perpetuate the occupation of Kashmir. As such, it insists on accounting for historical and contextual specificities as necessary conditions for imagining an expressly anticolonial feminist politics that can open possibilities of epistemic and political transformation towards knowing Kashmir and people’s struggles differently. It is here that the epistemic potential of re-membering lies: in overturning the terms of conversation as decolonial feminist scholarship has long insisted.

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“…Moreover, a comparison with other conflicts may allow a deeper understanding of the impact of social media and its influence on people’s perception of conflict. An example of this could be the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories, which, according to some, bears a striking similarity to the Indian occupation of Kashmir (Akhtar, 2018; Osuri, 2016).…”

Section: Analysis Of Sample Of Unitsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Discussing conflict in social media: The use of Twitter in the Jammu and Kashmir conflict

Gabel

Reichert

Reuter

2020

Media, War & Conflict

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Social media have come to play a vital role not only in our everyday lives, but also in times of conflict and crisis such as natural disasters or civil wars. Recent research has highlighted, on the one hand, the use of social media as a means of recruitment by terrorists and, on the other hand, the use of Facebook, Twitter, etc. to gain the support of the population during insurgencies. This article conducts a qualitative content analysis of content on Twitter concerning the conflict in the Jammu and Kashmir region. The tweets following the death of a popular militant, Burhan Wani, cover three different themes: (1) criticism of intellectuals; (2) Burhan Wani’s impact on the conflict; and (3) tweets referring to the conflict itself. Generally, people use Twitter to make their own point of view clear to others and discredit the opposing party; at the same time, tweets reflect the antagonism between the two parties to the conflict, India and Pakistan. The sample of tweets reflects the lack of awareness among people in the region regarding the motivations of the new generation of militancy emerging in Kashmir after 1990.

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Kashmir and Palestine: itineraries of (anti) colonial solidarity

Abstract: Please refer to published version for the most recent bibliographic citation information. If a published version is known of, the repository item page linked to above, will contain details on accessing it.

Cited by 6 publications

References 24 publications

Notes on feminist dissonance

Notes on feminist dissonance

Re-membering: Tracing epistemic implications of feminist and gendered politics under military occupation

Discussing conflict in social media: The use of Twitter in the Jammu and Kashmir conflict

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