La négation dans la théorie du liage et du gouvernement

Lemieux, Monique

doi:10.7202/602497ar

Cited by 2 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…Daoust-Blais 1975), as a negative indefinite (Lemieux 1985), or (sometimes) as a negative polarity item (cf. Lemieux 1982;Di Sciullo and Tremblay 1996). N-words have also been interpreted as hybrid forms which are not inherently negative elements nor true polarity items either (cf.…”

Section: The Scope Of the Present Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…17 See Lemieux (1982Lemieux ( , 1985 for different grammaticality judgments for sentences of this type. Labov (1972:786) points out that many non-standard dialects of English have NC in preverbal positions, as in the example he gives from a white Southern dialect: (i) Nobody don't like a boss hardly.…”

Section: Contrastively Focussed N-words and Sensitivity To Islandsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Contrastive Focus, French N-words and Variation

Vinet

1998

Can. J. Linguist.

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The aim of this article is to argue that the similarities and differences in the interpretation of n-words (personne, rien, etc.) in two closely related dialects of French can be explained by considerations linked to lexical properties as well as to properties of contrastive stress in Universal Grammar. The minor lexical differences in the two systems are related to the fact that only in Standard French is a single negation reading ruled out when an adverbial negative marker bearing [+neg, −T, −Asp] features, i.e., pas, appears in the scope of an unstressed n-word. A general principle is proposed to account for the fact that a contrastively focused n-word always blocks the local relation which seems necessary for a negative concord reading. It is observed that the presence of an intervening quantifier between the negative quantifier and the n-word always induces a Double Negation reading.

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Section: The Scope Of the Present Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Contrastively Focussed N-words and Sensitivity To Islandsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Contrastive Focus, French N-words and Variation

Vinet

1998

Can. J. Linguist.

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Negative concord in Quebec French

Labelle

2017

Probus

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It is argued that there are two types of asymmetric negative concord languages: in languages like Spanish and Italian, negative concord results from a purely formal agreement relation between the negation and a negative concord item. In Quebec French, in addition to this purely formal licensing, there is a negative dependency relation between both items, which form two segments of a discontinuous negative quantifier. This accounts for the following differences. While Spanish, Italian and Quebec French reject negative concord between a subject negative expression and the negation, in Quebec French, negative concord with the negation becomes possible when the clause contains a postverbal negative expression in addition to a preverbal one. Moreover, in Quebec French, but not in Spanish or Italian, negative concord is blocked across a quantifier meaning

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La négation dans la théorie du liage et du gouvernement

Cited by 2 publications

References 4 publications

Contrastive Focus, French N-words and Variation

Contrastive Focus, French N-words and Variation

Negative concord in Quebec French

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