The post-World War Two disintegration of the French empire indeed constituted a period of rapid change. Beginning in the interwar era, anti-colonialists from Southeast Asia and the Caribbean to North and West Africa and beyond often crossed paths in Paris, exchanged ideas, and sustained each other's causes. While these interactions helped to catalyze resistance and drive change, the period of decolonization that followed provided exciting opportunities for engagement, creating new spaces, organizations, and networks of collaboration and exchange. At the same time, decolonization could also usher in new regimes of oppression that sought to quash dissent and unify around a particular political party or agenda. For example, Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba dissolved the Tunisian Communist Party in 1962, sending left-wing radicals underground and spawning new organizations often launched in Paris. In the aftermath of free speech demonstrations at the University of Tunis in 1968, these clandestine groups became important in advocating for the human rights of detained activists. Similarly, while the massive protests denouncing corruption in Tunisia in 2010-11 were undeniably led by Tunisians at the national level, they also drew global attention and inspired novel solidarities, including those emanating from France.This article compares the Tunisian activism that emerged in 1968 and the Arab Spring. Its primary goal is to understand in each case activists' multiple references to dignity. In different ways, both sets of activists fought for Tunisian human dignity in the face of authoritarianism and brought international attention to their causes. Second, I compare the dynamics of postcolonial activist networks to understand international solidarities during two important historical moments of acute Tunisian anti-authoritarian resistance. In each instance, Tunisians across the Mediterranean, in France and the homeland, demanded that their dignity as citizens be recognized. These transnational connections are important to highlight against notions of the "end of postcolonialism," as some have argued was evidenced during the Arab Spring. 1 Instead, I found that while Franco-Tunisian anti-authoritarian networks were perhaps more active in 1968 (despite not resulting in regime change), they continued to be relevant in the face of threats to Tunisian dignity at the close of the dictatorship of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali. Particular historical violations of the dignity of others demand moral collective action for victims of human rights 1 For example, Hamid Dabashi has argued that the "epistemic condition of the state of coloniality has finally exhausted itself." See Dabashi,