La voix de l’Union Européenne sur Twitter : de l’usage de la diplomatie publique par le Service des Affaires Étrangères (SEAS)

Cotton, Anne-Marie

doi:10.3917/comma.162.0051

Cited by 3 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…Both in the studies carried 1 to 15 October 2015 (Carvalho et al , 2016) and March 8 to April 5, 2017 (Cotton, 2019), we noted a dominance of security and foreign policy messages, signs of the EU's negotiating power. The post-modernism assumption that external publics will be inclined to emulate the EU member states' peace, stability and prosperity as a result of “human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights” (Treaty of Lisbon, article 2, 2009), seems to still be the core idea nurturing the concept of an attractive and exemplar “postmodern” Europe (Cooper, 2003) competing in the global arena.…”

Section: Diplomacy and Twiplomacymentioning

confidence: 51%

“…This sender's strategy clearly doesn't follow the fifth lesson of Cull 2010 advocating that the most credible voice is not necessarily yours. On the contrary, the EEAS pursues the traditional controlling approach we identified as a result of our previous studies (Carvalho et al , 2016; Cotton, 2019), nearly banning non-EU authors from the platform, which implies that they still don't consider their audiences based on their evolving relational dynamics (Zaharna and Uysal, 2016).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Previous analyses applied the MARPE Diplo methodological frame (Carvalho et al , 2016; Cotton, 2019; Boulanger and Cotton, 2022) to the EEAS’ use of Twitter as a strategic tool in its approach to public diplomacy (PD) and identified that the EEAS had created a virtual community of interests on Twitter (Armstrong and Hagel, 1996). However, the EEAS approach on Twitter demonstrated its aim to control the messages and only share a small number of messages related to common interests.…”

Section: Diplomacy and Twiplomacymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As public diplomacy becomes more established to inform publics from another country about the foreign policy goals and objectives of a State or an organisation, as well as to gain their acknowledgement, their understanding, their acceptance, their approval or even their endorsement based on trust (Cotton and Sebastião, 2022), a larger number of stakeholders tend to identify any form of communication with public diplomacy, even confusing public diplomacy with traditional diplomacy. To avoid the expansion of another generic label losing its specificity, we developed a methodological framework based on an extensive literature review (Carvalho et al , 2016; Cotton, 2019; Boulanger and Cotton, 2022). The methodological MARPE Diplo framework aims to determine if a message emanating from a State or an organisation to a non-domestic public belongs to its traditional diplomacy strategy or to its public diplomacy strategy.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Analysing public diplomacy on Twitter with the MARPE Diplo methodological framework: the case of the European external action service

Cotton

Boulanger

2023

JCOM

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PurposeThe European External Action Service (EEAS) is a relatively new diplomatic service established in 2010. In previous analyses, the authors noted a dominance of security and foreign policy messages emanating from the EEAS, demonstrating the European Union (EU)'s negotiating power. It was clear it had discovered the benefits of public diplomacy, but rather practised traditional diplomacy on public diplomacy specific platforms. The authors aim to pursue the monitoring of the EEAS’ strategy, covering 2019 and 2020, to understand how the use of Twitter supports the evolution of the EU foreign policy.Design/methodology/approachQuestioning if the EEAS is entering the second phase of its life cycle (launched in 2010, its introduction phase was under Katherine Ashton, 2009–2014, followed by Federica Mogherini, 2014–2019, and Josep Borrell, 2019–2024), the authors carried out a content analysis on 765 tweets. The authors used the MARPE Diplo methodological framework to compare how the EU uses public diplomacy through its EEAS to negotiate its own interests with non-EU parties under the presidency of Federica Mogherini (period 1), during the transition period (period 2) and under the presidency of Joseph Borrell (period 3).FindingsBased on the comparison with their previous studies, the authors demonstrate that, over the years, the overall discourse of the EEAS is much more oriented towards public diplomacy.Research limitations/implicationsThe present study has two limitations. The first refers to the sampling of the participants involved in the citizen science experiment: they belong to a homogeneous age category and similar education level which might have biased their analysis. Second, the authors acknowledge the usual limitations linked to citizen science. However, the authors acknowledge a growing emphasis on the outcomes for society involving citizens and including partnerships between the public and scientists as well as an increased public engagement in policy processes.Practical implicationsThe research leads into new insights regarding the European-centred translation of the EEAS messages, compared to the off-centred view of non-European contributors.Social implicationsThe citizen science approach allows to integrate the targeted public to apply public diplomacy content analysis.Originality/valueThis case study is based on the principles of citizen science and demonstrates the importance of an off-centred approach in the analysis of the practices of public diplomacy.

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Section: Diplomacy and Twiplomacymentioning

confidence: 51%