Language and Conflict: The Political History of Arabisation in Sudan and Algeria

Abstract

Upon decolonisation, nationalist leaders in two North African countries, Algeria and Sudan, promoted a policy called Arabisation (ta'rib), which sought to impose standard literary Arabic at the expense of English (in Sudan), French (in Algeria), and other local languages (in both places). This language policy reflected the worldview of Muslim leaders, who hoped to break from the colonial past and start afresh while forging alliances with Arab Islamic states. Arabisation succeeded in expanding the use of literary Arabic in Sudanese and Algerian government bureaus as well as in schools and universities. However, in some circles it helped to stimulate oppositional identities that rejected pan‐Arabism as a focal point for national pride and that challenged the cultural foundations of national cohesion. Taking a comparative approach, this study argues that Arabic language policy in Algeria and Sudan featured strongly in postcolonial nationalism and civil conflict. It concludes by considering the status of language cultures and policies today in Algeria, the Republic of the Sudan, and the newly independent Republic of South Sudan, and contends that state‐led efforts at ‘language rationalisation’ have not eliminated multilingualism in practice.

Language Policy and Identity Conflict in Sudan

“…Such a policy is seen by many as a subtle strategy to perpetuate the communities’ marginalization from the mainstream society. Makki (1990), cited in Sharkey (), makes a similar point about the double standards and hypocrisy among Sudanese advocates of Arabization who attended English medium private schools, while extolling the virtues of Arabic literacy which is to be found in the public system. Hassan al‐Turabi, for example, exemplifies this hypocrisy.…”

“…He asserts that the Arabic language constitutes the cultural and instrumental backbone of the Arabs’ identity. Nevertheless, Arabization has been accused of promoting linguistic intolerance and promoting a particular state centered vision of culture and power (Sharkey, ). It ignores the multilingual nature of the Arab countries.…”

“…Hassan al‐Turabi, for example, exemplifies this hypocrisy. He had his education in a Christian Missionary school as a youth in Khartoum and later studied in Paris while he supported a regime in the Sudan that promoted a poor quality system of Arabic‐Islamic education for the masses (Sharkey, ).…”

“…All nationalist linguistic policies were imposed by various centralist and national governments rather than implemented systematically as an output of democratic deliberation and consultation. These nationalists turned Arabization into an official policy that sought to propagate Arabic quickly throughout a territory where scores of languages were spoken (Sharkey, ). Arabic received more empowerment and development in the entire country and this resulted in a virtual neglect of other ethnic languages.…”

“…Much debate in contemporary scholarship on the Sudan has focused on the role of colonialism in instituting and constructing these political identities. The investigation of issues of hegemony, language ideology, identity conflict, power asymmetries, and social inequality that have beset the language policy in Sudan and contributed to this identity crisis have also been explored by Abdelhay (), Abdelhay, Makoni, and Makoni (), Breidlid (), Lesch (), and Sharkey (), among others. I am building from this existing body of work to add to the growing literature on the subject especially with regard to the Sudan.…”