Language and Ritual in Sabellic Italy

Weiss, Michael L.

doi:10.1163/9789047440253

Cited by 54 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…upsed ‘produced’ < * ō̆p‐s‐e‐t and tentatively suggests that the lack of a BL reflex in the root vowel could be due to analogical influence of the semantically related ápnas‐ ‘wealth’. However, Weiss (2010: 95–6) argues convincingly that the Italic verbal forms (Umbrian upetu , Oscan upsed , Old Latin opet ‘chooses’, later optāre ‘to choose’) actually go back to an iterative to the root * h 1 ep ‘take, seize’ (which means that the root ?2. * h 3 ep ‘wish, choose’ tentatively reconstructed in LIV 2 : 299 for these forms is, therefore, spurious).…”

Section: Exceptions To ‘Traditional’ Bl and The Hunt For O‐gradesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…* h 3 ep ‘wish, choose’ tentatively reconstructed in LIV 2 : 299 for these forms is, therefore, spurious). Given the close semantic match between Latin opus and Vedic ápas‐ (Stüber 2002: 109–10; though not necessarily with a religious connotation, Weiss 2010: 328–9) and Weiss' strong arguments that the root underlying this complex of forms in Italic is * h 1 ep , it is, therefore, likely that the generalised o ‐grade of the Italic forms is an innovation. As a parallel for generalised R( o ) in Italic verbal forms Weiss (2010: 96, fn.…”

Section: Exceptions To ‘Traditional’ Bl and The Hunt For O‐gradesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Given the close semantic match between Latin opus and Vedic ápas‐ (Stüber 2002: 109–10; though not necessarily with a religious connotation, Weiss 2010: 328–9) and Weiss' strong arguments that the root underlying this complex of forms in Italic is * h 1 ep , it is, therefore, likely that the generalised o ‐grade of the Italic forms is an innovation. As a parallel for generalised R( o ) in Italic verbal forms Weiss (2010: 96, fn. 243) adduces the root of doceō ‘teach’, and there are also a number of s ‐stems with innovative R( o ) in Italic, for example pondus ‘weight’, foedus ‘agreement, treaty’ (besides fı̄dus ), modus ‘measure’ (Leumann 1977: 378–9; cf.…”

Section: Exceptions To ‘Traditional’ Bl and The Hunt For O‐gradesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Sound Change and Analogy, Again: Brugmann's Law and the Hunt For O‐Grades in Indo‐Iranian*

Grestenberger

2023

Trans of the Philol Soc

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This article revisits the interaction between regular ‘Neogrammarian’ sound change (defined as a purely phonological process) and subsequent morphological change (especially changes subsumed under the term ‘analogy’) in the development of the outcomes of Brugmann's Law (BL) in Indo‐Iranian. The traditional formulation of BL states that Proto‐Indo‐European *o became Indo‐Iranian /ā/ in open syllables and /a/ elsewhere, positing a purely phonological context of application. Alternatively, Kiparsky (2010) has argued for a revised version of BL in which the accent and ablaut properties of the affected forms play a role, hence essentially for a synchronic morphophonological rule. I argue that this revised version fails both from the perspective of comparative reconstruction and as a synchronic rule based on a detailed study of the forms cited as evidence for the revised rule. Rather, in order to identify inherited *o in Indo‐Iranian the effects of the ‘blind’ Neogrammarian rule must be separated from the synchronic morphological rules of the attested languages. This paper thus makes a methodological contribution in defence of the Neogrammarian approach to sound change, but also an empirical contribution by showing that this approach, in combination with a strictly lexical definition of analogy, can account for some conspicuous exceptions to traditional BL.

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Section: Exceptions To ‘Traditional’ Bl and The Hunt For O‐gradesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Exceptions To ‘Traditional’ Bl and The Hunt For O‐gradesmentioning

confidence: 99%