Latino Mobilization in New Immigrant Destinations

Abstract

We use the 2006 immigrant-rights protests as a point of departure to test whether political opportunity structures aligned to spur widespread immigrant mobilization in new immigrant destinations. The existing immigrant mobilization scholarship would predict the absence of protest in areas of new migration because of their low levels of immigrant civic infrastructure. Through a detailed study of the immigrant-rights protests and their aftermath in Nebraska, we find that the unifying effect of the anti-immigrant legislation on immigrant-ethnic communities nationally allowed immigrants and their leaders to seize the opportunities presented by shifting local politics, new communications technologies, and the growing migrant civil societies in new destinations to spur widespread, if short-lived, mobilization.

Do restrictive omnibus immigration laws reduce enrollment in public health insurance by Latino citizen children? A comparative interrupted time series study

“…One potential explanation for these surprising findings is that community-based organizations (CBOs), immigrant rights coalitions, and Spanish-language radio and television advocated on behalf of immigrant and Latino communities, disseminated information about the laws and about means-tested benefit eligibility, and encouraged or assisted parents to enroll their children in public benefits (Benjamin-Alvarado et al, 2009; Jiménez, 2011). Ethnic-based CBOs are often seen as “safe spaces” (Crosnoe et al, 2012, p. 5) where immigrants can get information about benefits and services without fear of detection by immigration authorities.…”

“…In response to county-level immigration enforcement laws implemented between 2006 and 2010, immigrant rights groups intensified their voter mobilization efforts, and Latino voter turnout increased (White, 2016). For Latinos, a confluence of racially charged immigration laws and grass-roots community organizing by CBOs is a particularly potent driver of political mobilization and resistance (Barreto et al, 2009; Benjamin-Alvarado et al, 2009; Pedraza and Zhu, 2013). Both of these factors were present when omnibus laws passed (Jiménez, 2011; Koralek et al, 2009; Quiroga et al, 2014).…”

From political opportunities to niche-openings: the dilemmas of mobilizing for immigrant rights in inhospitable environments

“…The risks of deportation would be too high and the prospects of a successful outcome too low to entice these immigrants to engage in high profile public protest. However, rather than turn away from politics and the public sphere, we find that undocumented immigrants in many countries have engaged in public mobilizations to advance their rights claims since the 1990s (Siméant 1998;Iskander 2007;Laubenthal 2007;Benjamin-Alvarado et al 2009;Anderson 2010;Voss and Bloemraad 2011;Nicholls 2013). In certain cases, protesting immigrants have even succeeded in generating resonance for their cause and pressing governments to consider granting an exemption from restrictive immigration laws.…”

“…However, continued high-profile mobilizations of undocumented immigrants in the United States and Europe since the 1990s problematize this assumption (Siméant 1998;Coutin 1998Coutin , 2003Iskander 2007;Cordero-Guzmán et al 2008;Benjamin-Alvarado et al 2009;Anderson 2010;Voss and Bloemraad 2011;Nicholls 2013). Rather than turn away from the public sphere, different groups have brought their cases directly into the public, engaged in high-risk public protests and civil disobedience, and developed compelling and resonant rights claims.…”

Placing Immigrant Incorporation: Identity, Trust, and Civic Engagement in Little Havana

“…Monserrat's observations below regarding the issue-focused dimension of panethnic solidarity have been noted in work by other scholars (e.g., Alvarado et al, 2009;Barreto et al, 2009;Mayo, 2000;Diaz, 1996;Rosenstone and Hansen, 1993). She says:…”