Local violence and politics in KwaZulu-Natal: perceptions of agency in a post-conflict society

Jarstad, Anna; Höglund, Kristine

doi:10.1080/01436597.2015.1030385

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Second, these findings raise questions about the endogenous formation – and strategic manipulation – of self-efficacy. While longitudinal evidence suggests that self-efficacy is ‘sticky’, or persistent over time, early experiences with activism or state-sponsored violence may be important in shaping self-efficacy over a longer period (Jarstad & Höglund, 2015). The quotidian displays of obedience involved in ‘acting “as if”’ in classic accounts of autocratic control like Wedeen (1998) or Havel (1985) emphasize how many authoritarian rituals seem designed to remind citizens that they are powerless and atomized.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who dissents? Self-efficacy and opposition action after state-sponsored election violence

Young

2020

Journal of Peace Research

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Reactions to acts of state-sponsored election violence and other forms of repression vary greatly across individuals. This article develops a theory that the psychological characteristic of self-efficacy moderates opposition supporters’ reactions to state-sponsored election violence. I use data from an original survey and in-depth qualitative interviews with opposition supporters in Zimbabwe to illustrate and test this theory. Self-efficacy is a strong predictor of intention to take action in support of the opposition after episodes of state-sponsored election violence and is related to the emotional reactions that opposition supporters have after violent events. Specifically, people who are higher in self-efficacy report that they would feel more anger relative to fear after episodes of state-sponsored election violence. The relationship between self-efficacy and persistence in pro-opposition action after violence is similar in magnitude to variables that the existing literature argues are the most important predictors of dissent in repressive environments, including strength of identification with the opposition and gender. These results provide empirical support for the assumption in many collective action theories that psychological characteristics create variation in dissent in repressive environments. Understanding how individual psychological differences can shape reactions to coercive violence may help explain why forms of repression like state-sponsored election violence have such unpredictable effects on subsequent pro-opposition mobilization.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who dissents? Self-efficacy and opposition action after state-sponsored election violence

Young

2020

Journal of Peace Research

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“…In-depth discussion of these individual-level drivers exceeds the scope of this article, but biographical factors and existing networks(Viterna, 2006), and emotive and affective responses(Jarstad & Höglund, 2015) are probably important factors.…”

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confidence: 94%

Responding to sexual violence: Women’s mobilization in war

Kreft

2018

Journal of Peace Research

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Gender scholars show that women in situations of civil war have an impressive record of agency in the social and political spheres. Civilian women’s political mobilization during conflict includes active involvement in civil society organizations, such as nongovernmental organizations or social movements, and public articulation of grievances – in political protest, for example. Existing explanations of women’s political mobilization during conflict emphasize the role of demographic imbalances opening up spaces for women. This article proposes a complementary driving factor: women mobilize politically in response to the collective threat that conflict-related sexual violence constitutes to women as a group. Coming to understand sexual violence as a violent manifestation of a patriarchal culture and gender inequalities, women mobilize in response to this violence and around a broader range of women’s issues with the goal of transforming sociopolitical conditions. A case study of Colombia drawing on qualitative interviews illustrates the causal mechanism of collective threat framing in women’s collective mobilization around conflict-related sexual violence. Cross-national statistical analyses lend support to the macro-level implications of the theoretical framework and reveal a positive association between high prevalence of conflict-related rape on the one hand and women’s protest activity and linkages to international women’s nongovernmental organizations on the other.

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“…More than one hundred local politicians were murdered between 2003 and 2013, with more than half killed between January 2011 and September 2012. As a result, there is renewed interest in documenting and theorizing violent conflict (see Gibbs 2017; Hickel 2015; Jarstad & Höglund 2015; Kelly 2018; Krämer 2015; Mathis 2013; Schuld 2013; Smith 2019; van Baalen & Höglund 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Violence, Autochthony, and Identity Politics in KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa): A Processual Perspective on Local Political Dynamics

Krämer¹

2019

Afr. Stud. Rev.

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“Political violence” is seemingly on the rise again in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The violence that began in the 1980s and reached a peak in the transition period resurfaced before the local government elections in August 2016. Krämer provides a processual understanding of local dynamics of violence in the eThekwini Municipality and situates the current episode within the historical trajectory of violent conflict. He examines how exclusionary identities get activated in local elections and argues that underlying the violence between supporters of hostile political parties are conflicting forms of autochthonous belonging and contradictory ideas about what constitutes membership in a community.

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Local violence and politics in KwaZulu-Natal: perceptions of agency in a post-conflict society

Cited by 4 publications

References 27 publications

Who dissents? Self-efficacy and opposition action after state-sponsored election violence

Who dissents? Self-efficacy and opposition action after state-sponsored election violence

Responding to sexual violence: Women’s mobilization in war

Violence, Autochthony, and Identity Politics in KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa): A Processual Perspective on Local Political Dynamics

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