Located locally, disseminated nationally: the Bergama movement

Abstract

How and with what consequences did the Bergama struggle evolve from a local environmental campaign against the operation of a goldmine to a broader political struggle that mobilised a set of heterogeneous social groups at the national level? The constituency of and support for the Bergama struggle increased as it provided a 'discursive space' for the articulation of a disparate set of particular social demands neither mediated nor fulfilled within the existing political system in Turkey. As the Bergama movement expanded through the articulation of a number of social demands for changes in the broader economic and political structures, several status quo forces became involved in the struggle against the movement and played a crucial role in the gradual demise of the movement.

A Corporate Social Responsibility Framework for Mining Sector Using Analytic Network Process

“…Under this main criterion "minimizing the possible impacts of cyanide, other chemicals and wastes on environment and public health" is the most important sub criterion. Considering the structure of environmental movements against mining companies in Turkey, it can be said that the starting point of those movements are environmental criticisms and the negative impact of cyanide usage on public health (Ozen, 2009a(Ozen, , 2009b. Besides, "ethical criteria" are the second most important criteria.…”

“…In parallel with changing regulations in legislative framework and increasing number of foreign companies, several social movements and protests against mining activities became a hot topic in Turkey (e.g. Coban, 2004;Ozen, 2009aOzen, , 2009bOzen & Ozen, 2009. These social movements that appeared in areas such as Bergama, Izmir; Esme, Usak; Efemcukuru, Izmir; Balikesir; and Canakkale (Ozen & Ozen, 2010).…”

“…(Note 3) In terms of environmental criticisms, specifically the usage of cyanide was voiced and the hazardous effects of cyanide and other heavy metals in tailings impoundments upon public health and environment were pointed out. On the other hand, anti-imperialist criticisms emphasised that as a foreign company Eurogold had been operating in different areas of Turkey without paying attention to public health and environment and had the intention of exploiting Turkey"s natural resources (Ozen, 2009a(Ozen, , 2009b.…”

“…Evaluating the Bergama protest movement, Coban (2004) supports this view and points that local communities" reactions were mostly environmental; nevertheless, the government took a stance in favour of mining companies and mining operations with the motivation of increasing economic growth and social welfare by attracting foreign investments. Ignoring rulings, the government issued new licences while law-enforcement officers were responding to protests harshly, which created a front against the movement and became an important factor in weakening the protests (Ozen, 2009a(Ozen, , 2009b. Then, it can be stated that the government was sided with a supporting coalition formed by some mining companies, state authorities, journalists, politicians, and academicians in order to provide the continuance of mining operations and make the entry of foreign investment easier (Ozen & Ozen, 2010).…”

“…At the end of the process in 2004, the new Mining Law was enacted, which gave mining companies a ground to keep their contradictive operations, restructured the legal framework of mining and have made Turkey more attractive for foreign investors (Ozen, 2009a(Ozen, , 2009b. This law not only opened the protected areas such as olive groves, natural parks, and historic districts to mining, but also made pre-operational environmental impact assessment non-obligatory and provided mining companies tax advantages and guaranteed the given licences (Ozen, 2009a(Ozen, , 2009b. This legislative change is important in terms of being a consequence of conflicts between Bergama protesters, a multinational mining company and government (Ozen & Ozen, 2009).…”