Making a connection in the provinces? Russia's tweeting governors

Renz, Bettina; Sullivan, Jonathan

doi:10.1080/21599165.2013.779258

Cited by 13 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…LiveJournal.com has both the most active bloggers and the highest number of active blogs on RuNet (Toepfl 2012). The Internet has become a popular medium for political activity, and various political actors are very active online -mostly through blogs on LiveJournal, but also other social networks such as Twitter and Facebook (see Oates 2012;Renz and Sullivan 2013;Schmidt 2012;Toepfl 2012;Yagodin 2012).…”

Section: Words Are Importantmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Normal nationalism”: Alexei Navalny, LiveJournal and “the Other”

Moen-Larsen

2014

East European Politics

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This article analyses the LiveJournal blog of the well-known Russian opposition figure Alexei Navalny during the period from 2006 to 2012. The blog is analysed through the prism of nationalism and identity construction. The analysis shows that Navalny advocates a "normal" nationalism, which he contrasts with abnormal, radical, and marginal nationalism. He underlines the importance of national rebirth and constructs Russian national identity in connection to a history of victory and greatness. The national identity that Navalny constructs is ethnically Russian. Other ethnic groups, Chechens in particular, are constructed as "Others" who belong outside the boundaries of the Russian imagined community.

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Section: Words Are Importantmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Normal nationalism”: Alexei Navalny, LiveJournal and “the Other”

Moen-Larsen

2014

East European Politics

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“…By addressing the issues of current importance in their regions governors could contribute to promoting the policy pursued on the regional level. Indeed, research shows that social media increase the responsiveness of politics in the Russian regions [15]. More than that, some researchers argue that political leaders' blogs are playing a great role in generating legitimacy for the Russian political system [16].…”

Section: Strategy and Tactics Of Government Communication In Digmentioning

confidence: 99%

Government Communication in Digital Environment

Minaeva¹

2019

Proceedings of the International Conference Communicative Strategies of Information Society (CSIS 2018)

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This article describes the growing adoption of the Internet platforms by Government bodies and civil servants in an attempt to foster better communication with citizens and collaboration with business. The article dwells on the strategy and tactics of communication used by Russian Government Public Relations and civil servants in digital environment. The key communication strategy can be described as that of harmonizing relations between public bodies and citizens. The study identified four communication tactics, characterized by distinctive approaches in terms of interactivity and openness toward concrete target audiences. When communicating via social media, Russian civil servants are advised to adopt conversational forms of communication to expand the range of followers and to involve a broad range of stakeholders in the dialogue.

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“…The year on year rise in Internet use in Russia in the period 2008-2014 has led to a flurry of research on the possible implications of this medium in terms of political development and political behaviour (Moen-Larsen 2014;Oates 2013;Renz & Sullivan 2013). In particular, the wave of protests that followed the December 2011 State Duma election highlighted the important role of online social media in mobilising opposition forces (White & McAllister 2014), while the continuing growth of internet will likely ensure a prominent place for 'non-traditional media' in the forthcoming 2016 State Duma election.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…3 While the TV and mainstream media were dominated by the authorities and strongly favoured Prime Minister Putin, President Medvedev and United Russia, the Internet was considered a medium that united opposition forces and those with diametrically opposing views of the authorities. This is not to say that authorities were ignoring the potential of the Internet (Renz & Sullivan 2013). Much fanfare was made of President Medvedev's mastery of communicative technologies (Moan-Larsen 2014), evident by the fact that his LiveJournal account (opened in April 2009) and…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Online Campaigning in Russia: Evidence from the 2011 StateDumaElection

Roberts

2015

Europe-Asia Studies

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Despite the continuing growth of Internet use in Russia, there remains little systematic analysis of online election campaigning. This article presents an in-depth, multi-method analysis of party and candidate online activity during the 2011 State Duma election campaign-arguably Russia's first 'Internet election'to ascertain the extent to which new social media is changing politics in Russia. The main findings indicate that the Internet did indeed help to level the competitive playing field during the election campaign period, but despite the growing number of Internet users, the overall level of on-line engagement remained weak. Acknowledgements: I would like to thank the Aleksanteri Institute, Finland, for a two-month research stay in 2011/12. during the official 'intensive campaign' period (November 6-December 3 2011). Although primarily concerned with supply-side issuesthe way parties utilised the Internet for their campaignsthis article also considers demand-side issues, including engagement with party and candidate social media by Internet users. The first part of this article provides essential background, including a discussion of the factors limiting or encouraging online campaigning for this election. Part two then examines the scope of internet use during the campaign, presenting analysis of 910 candidates competing on party lists in 20 regions across the Russian Federation. Part three provides detailed analysis of candidate use of LiveJournal and Twitter social networks. The conclusion and substantive argument forwarded in this article is that even though United Russia and its candidates enjoyed a clear superiority in web-presence over its competitors, there was none the less evidence of equalisation, as the online message of the remaining party candidates converged on an anti-United Russia theme. However, while providing a rare platform for opposition to launch, at times, vitriolic attacks against United Russia and the authorities, there was little evidence that candidates were using social networking sites to directly interact with and mobilise the electorate. At the same time, the overall weak engagement by candidates with social media during the campaign period was matched by an equally weak engagement with partisan sites by Internet users. Taken together, this questions the overall impact of the online campaign and raises questions as to the real potential of the Internet to affect political change in Russia. What to expect online? Mixed messages leading into the campaign Although there is documented use of the internet by Russian parties as far back as the 1999 State Duma election (Semetko & Krasnoboka 2003), the fact that user numbers have lagged behind European and North American levels means that research on political parties and the Internet remains largely confined to the latter, although with increasing exceptions from other parts of the world, in particular from Asia (see Kluver et al. 2007; Tkach-Kawasaki; Wang 2010, etc.). In the Russian case, the 2011 State Duma election stakes a claim...

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Making a connection in the provinces? Russia's tweeting governors

Cited by 13 publications

References 40 publications

“Normal nationalism”: Alexei Navalny, LiveJournal and “the Other”

“Normal nationalism”: Alexei Navalny, LiveJournal and “the Other”

Government Communication in Digital Environment

Online Campaigning in Russia: Evidence from the 2011 StateDumaElection

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