Making Space for Women: Explaining Citizen Support for Legislative Gender Quotas in Latin America

Barnes, Tiffany D.; Córdova, Abby

doi:10.1086/685379

Cited by 63 publications

(91 citation statements)

References 48 publications

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“…Nonetheless, there is significant resistance towards the introduction of a quota; support is low among both women and men. In line with previous international research ( Barnes and Córdova 2016;Gidengil 1998), it is significantly higher among women compared with men. As for overall support for the increase of female MPs discussed above, this gender gap may be due to both women's self-interest or more pro-social attitudes among women (Barnes and Córdova 2016).…”

Section: Female Political Representation In New Zealandsupporting

confidence: 92%

A Bark But No Bite: Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election

Vowles¹,

Coffé²,

Curtin³

2017

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Section: Female Political Representation In New Zealandsupporting

confidence: 92%

A Bark But No Bite: Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election

Vowles¹,

Coffé²,

Curtin³

2017

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“…The former result with respect to gender is in line with prior research in other contexts that finds that women are more supportive of quotas as a measure to improve women's access to political office (see Gidengil 1996;Dubrow 2010). Similarly, the positive impact of feminist orientation on support for the gender quota fit with Barnes and Córdova's (2016) Finally, a belief that women's underrepresentation in politics arises due to a lack of opportunities created for them by political parties are also consistently found to matter. What this means is that gender quotas in Ireland appear to garner support only from the usual suspects.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 93%

“…Prior research employing data from twenty--four Latin American countries finds that holding gender egalitarian attitudes increases support for gender quotas, independent of the respondent's gender (Barnes & Córdova 2016 (Norris & Lovenduski 1995;Norris 1997). The supply of candidates and demands of gatekeepers correspond to two of the four levels in the so--called 'funnel of causality' (the others being the political system -constant in the context of a single country analysis -and the recruitment process) that captures the process by which political recruitment occurs.…”

Section: Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who supports gender quotas in Ireland?

Keenan

McElroy

2016

Irish Political Studies

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Candidate gender quotas were passed into law in the Republic of Ireland in 2012. This paper examines support for this quota among three different groups: local election candidates, a sample of professionals and the general public. Using responses from three different datasets, we identify the key ideological, partisan and demographic predictors of support for the quota. We find the single best predictor of support for the quota is, not surprisingly, the gender of the respondent, followed by feminist ideology. There is a weak effect for left--wing ideology and partisanship and for beliefs regarding the causes of women's absence from political life. Overall, the results suggest that resistance to the quota is still relatively strong amongst both potential candidates for Dáil Éireann and the Irish electorate.

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“…Mounting evidence shows that women are more liberal than men. Not only are women more likely than men to support a host of gender equality policies such as fair pay, parental leave and child care subsidies, access to birth control, and protection from job discrimination in hiring and promotion (Barnes and Córdova 2016;Cassese and Barnes 2016;Cassese, Barnes, and Branton 2015;Deckman and McTague 2015;Strolovitch 1998) but policy preferences also diverge across a wide range of issues that are not explicitly gendered. For instance, women are more liberal on issues of social welfare, morality, and government use of force (Huddy, Cassese, and Lizotte 2008;Kaufmann 2002Kaufmann , 2006Shapiro and Mahajan 1986).…”

Section: Gender Gaps In Public Opinion and Partisanshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

American Party Women

Barnes

Cassese

2016

Political Research Quarterly

Self Cite

114

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ArticleTraditionally, women were more politically conservative than men. Yet, in the early 1980s, women began realigning, shifting to the left of men and reversing the gender gap in developed democracies across the globe (BoxSteffensmeier, De Boef, and Lin 2004;Inglehart and Norris 2003). Today, women in the United States are more likely to identify with the Democratic Party, vote for Democratic Party candidates, and hold liberal positions on social issues. Although scholars have devoted considerable attention to understanding the gender gap in public opinion, existing research focuses almost exclusively on average differences between men and womenemphasizing women's liberal tendencies and defining women's political identity almost entirely in liberal terms. While women's greater average liberalism is well established empirically, approximately one in four women identify with the Republican Party-a figure that translates into millions of American women who buck this liberal trend (Deckman 2016). Because existing research has focused on average differences between men and women, we know little about sources of heterogeneity among women.Does the gender gap extend to the Republican Party, with Republican women holding more liberal views than their male counterparts? To date, most research about Republican women has focused on the elite level, investigating factors like party structure, activists and donors, conservative women's groups, and candidates for political office (Cooperman and Crowder-Meyer 2015;Thomsen 2015). Comparatively little research has considered the attitudes and issue preferences of Republican women in the electorate. 1 In recent years, the United States has seen a rise in high-profile Republican women running for office and the development of a conservative women's movement (Schreiber 2008(Schreiber , 2014. The surge in conservative appeals to women, coupled with the increased salience of and polarization on "women's issues"-for example, the Mommy Wars and the Republican War on Women-requires that scholars revisit the conventional wisdom about women's political identities.Building on the burgeoning body of research on partisan sorting, we develop expectations regarding the intersection between gender and party. Theories of partisan sorting suggest that women and men sort themselves into the party that best represents their views-such that the AbstractResearch on the gender gap in American politics has focused on average differences between male and female voters. This has led to an underdeveloped understanding of sources of heterogeneity among women and, in particular, a poor understanding of the political preferences of Republican women. We argue that although theories of ideological sorting suggest gender gaps should exist primarily between political parties, gender socialization theories contend that critical differences lie at the intersection of gender and party such that gender differences likely persist within political parties. Using survey data from the 2012 American National Election ...

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Making Space for Women: Explaining Citizen Support for Legislative Gender Quotas in Latin America

Cited by 63 publications

References 48 publications

A Bark But No Bite: Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election

A Bark But No Bite: Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election

Who supports gender quotas in Ireland?

American Party Women

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