1. Goal. This paper compares verbal (VP) and adjectival predication (AP) in Mandarin and extends the boundedness account of ba-construction to transitive comparatives (Erlewine, 2007).
Problem.Mandarin VP and AP show alternations that have seemingly the same semantics. However, they differ in their selection of predicates. The ba-construction (1a) requires markers of completion, degree achievement, or perfective marker le. Transitive comparatives (Grano & Kennedy, 2012;Erlewine, 2007) observe the same boundedness constraint. Example (2b) requires a measure phrase and is unacceptable without delimitation by the measure phrase 'a little' or other dimension-appropriate measure phrases, as in '2 cm taller' or '5 pounds heavier'.( 1) In addition, existing accounts for the ba-construction (Bender 2000, Huang, Li & Li 2009, among others) largely focus on the syntactic behaviors of ba, but do not take the semantics of the predicates into consideration. The unacceptability of (3) cannot be explained by the syntax alone. Since the predicate xiang 'think' is atelic and the object is not affected, Lipenkova (2011) generalizes that the ba-construction must include a scalar predicate and a difference value, which explains why the predicate in (3) can occur in ba-construction and why tai 'too' must be present.(3) ta ba zhe-jian-shi xiang de *(tai) beigwan 3sg BA this.matter think DE too pessimistic 'S/he thinks too pessimistic of this matter. ' (Lipenkova, 2011) (3) is unacceptable without 'too' or other degree markers like hen 'very', which indicates assertion of degree. This study builds upon Liu (1997) and Lipenkova (2011) and argues that ba selects only bounded predicates, which can be marked lexically by a secondary predicate like wan 'finish', degree modification containing de-XP, or the perfective aspect marker le.3. Proposal. The goal of this study is to find the constraints of the two alternations in verbal and adjectival predicates. This study extends the boundedness constraint of ba and argues that boundedness governs the behavior of both alternations in their predicate selection.