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At different times in the history of industrial capitalism, the firm has replaced the State, or anticipated it, by constructing regulatory models which were then legally sanctioned by State legislation, or generalised within public policies concerning, for example, education systems. This is what Pollman and Barry call “regulatory entrepreneurship”. Alongside this legal normativity, management practices have always entailed a psychological normative production aiming to shape the workforce as a subject, also according to the political instances of current forms of State governmentality. Indeed, the very birth of modern management is to be conceived in relation to these practices of production of forms of subjectivity in the workplace.
At different times in the history of industrial capitalism, the firm has replaced the State, or anticipated it, by constructing regulatory models which were then legally sanctioned by State legislation, or generalised within public policies concerning, for example, education systems. This is what Pollman and Barry call “regulatory entrepreneurship”. Alongside this legal normativity, management practices have always entailed a psychological normative production aiming to shape the workforce as a subject, also according to the political instances of current forms of State governmentality. Indeed, the very birth of modern management is to be conceived in relation to these practices of production of forms of subjectivity in the workplace.
This paper focalizes on the economic model of digital platforms as a new method of coordinating the production of value. We suggest that the advent of “platform capitalism” is symptomatic of a crisis of the model of the firm understood as a space separated from society and based on private ownership. This crisis appears, first, as an inadequacy of the instruments of theoretical economics to take the digital platform model into account, and subsequently as a crisis concerning the ownership of the means of production: ownership seems to be split into intellectual ownership (especially algorithms) and physical ownership of the means of production (which are the prerogative of the platform’s users/producers/consumers). This new proprietary model allows us to revisit the question of the ownership of the means of production and the governance of the firm itself. In this sense, we suggest that in the claims of platform cooperativism, the platform-firm no longer appears as a group of assets that are already owned, but as an institution in which ownership corresponds to governance. In other words, ownership is understood as an institutional arrangement intended to govern the resource itself, which allows us to fully rethink the ownership of the firm according to the model of “the philosophy of the commons.”
L’article est une présentation générale, presque un bilan, du courant principalement anglais des Critical Management Studies (cms), à partir du premier recueil d’articles, publié en 1992, par Hugh Willmott et Mats Alvesson, qui restent les deux chercheurs les plus influents du courant. La volonté de rompre le discours mythique de la théorie managériale conventionnelle héritait d’une solide tradition de critique des pratiques de gestion, dont au moins deux courants majeurs étaient très actifs au cours des années 1980 : le Labour Process Theory ( lpt ), qui s’inspirait des travaux de Harry Braverman et l’histoire de la comptabilité. Les cms se distinguent toutefois de ces courants pour la forte influence de la « théorie critique » (Foucault, Bourdieu, les travaux de l’école de Francfort et plus particulièrement Habermas) qui est mobilisée pour étudier les concepts et les pratiques du management. Voulant distinguer leur approche de la pure description de la domination, Alvesson et Willmott proposent une théorie et une pratique de la « microémancipation » fondées sur l’étude ethnographique des situations de travail et la description de la résistance face aux injonctions managériales. Cette volonté de partir des situations empiriques pour penser la démocratisation des relations de travail a permis d’engendrer une série d’études de terrain sans toutefois réussir à déboucher sur une théorie d’ensemble de l’émancipation (qui était pourtant proposée par le lpt ). L’article suggère qu’en se coupant d’une perspective plus large de l’émancipation sociale pour valoriser les approches microémancipatoires, les auteurs des cms auraient perdu de vue le souffle utopique venant du travail lui-même et de sa transformation au cours des vingt dernières années, ce qui les aurait paradoxalement éloignés des perspectives réelles d’émancipation.
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