Masculinity under the knife: Filipino men, trafficking and the black organ market in Manila, the Philippines

Abstract

The Philippines has recently achieved notoriety as one of the top five source countries for commercially provided organs, particularly kidneys, globally. The vast majority of commercial organ providers are economically marginal men, thus throwing into question conventional wisdom regarding the gendered nature of human trafficking in which most trafficked persons are presumed to be female. This article examined the motives of men who sell kidneys in Manila's black organ market and their ongoing negotiations when their aspirations are not fulfilled. I suggest that family considerations figure prominently amongst many of the men, who attempt to use the money from the sale of a kidney as a livelihood or family security strategy. Narratives of economically marginal men in the Philippines about the commercial value of their body parts are situated in discourses of traditional Philippines ideas about masculinity, particularly concerning the male breadwinner and also about heroism. Thus, although an emotionally and relationally complex decision, selling a kidney nonetheless allows these men to attempt to reclaim their masculine roles, but often with contradictory outcomes.

Gender, migration, mobility and transnationalism

“…Within the pages of very recent issues of Gender, Place and Culture, we note the emergence of a small coalescence of articles that extends the journal's focus on the politics of gender in 'intimate globalization' to scrutinising the role of cross-border mobilities of body parts in turning the wheels of social and biological reproduction (Kato and Sleeboom-Faulkner 2013;Nash 2012;Payne 2013;Yea 2013). In her article, Nash (2012, 411) iterates the importance of 'making reproduction itself more explicitly central to a feminist geography of social reproduction' by 'addressing the global geographies and political economies of human reproduction, including its technologically assisted forms, and .…”

“…To this end, Kato and Sleeboom-Faulkner (2013), in pointing to women's invisibility in Japan during the process of ova collection, engage with the importance of cultural context and cultural sensitivities when researching in vitro fertilisation (IVF) technologies. To take another example, Yea (2013) argues that organ trafficking out the Philippines needs to be understood within the context of prevalent ideas linking providership to masculinity in the Philippines. In this case, economically marginalised men, by selling their kidneys on the black market, become elevated to the status of 'heroes' who are able to provide for their families.…”

A global bioethical perspective on organ trafficking: Discrimination, stigmatisation and the vulnerable

“…[10] Organ sellers are frequently stigmatised as 'half people' or 'bodies without organs' and are regarded as 'untouchables' (filthy, immoral) who do not belong in a 'normal' society. [3,11,14] There is also evidence that male sellers are stigmatised as 'male prostitutes' , who disgrace the community. [5,15] Sellers as well as recipients of organs are stigmatised as 'criminals' on returning to their countries, and find it difficult and sometimes impossible to be reintegrated into society, because they are regarded as violators of the law and the existing system.…”

“…[3] Employers do not take organ sellers back, or society excludes them from practising certain vocations because of their choice to sell their organs and health. [13,14] Fourthly, there is evidence that education, gender, race, ethnicity and religion also play a role in the selection of sellers. Some recipients refuse to buy the kidneys of women sellers for sexist reasons.…”

“…In some cases, stigmatisation could lead to physical maltreatment and assault. [14] The position of the sellers is aggravated by the fact that they do not have the courage to go for medical help after they have undergone the relevant medical procedure. [2,11] …”