Labor Process Theory (LPT) in its modern post-Braverman (1974) form has for over 30 years influenced, to varying degrees and in different places, industrial sociology, industrial relations, labor history and organizational analysis. From the early 1980s it became the dominant approach to the study of work and the workplace in the United Kingdom and remains influential there, and in parts of Europe, Australasia and Canada. What accounts for this intellectual durability? Institutional supports such as an annual international conference (now in its 27 th year) and a large scale publishing program (21 volumes in various 'labor process' series) have helped. But LPT has had to have had something to say and a capacity for both innovation and resilience, as for over three decades it has been deployed and expanded to produce critical perspectives on trends in global workplace developments. In some countries, notably the United States, it retained a narrow commentary on skill formation and destruction, but in Europe and Australasia especially, it has been the key touchstone for theorizing workplace reforms and innovation.In accounts of the chronology of LPT it is common to refer to a number of overlapping phases or waves of labor process research and writing (Thompson and Smith 1999;Thompson and Newsome 2004). Beyond the early period of application and testing of Bravermanian precepts ('deskilling' and singular management control regimes especially), the second wave (mostly during the 1980s) involved a serious period of theory building in which different typologies of control were developed along with the argument that resistance is inseparable from control, and secondly that consent is always part of human