2013
DOI: 10.1080/00905992.2013.801412
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Memory claims and memory constraints. (Re)negotiating statehood and identities in Serbia

Abstract: Rather than focusing on often-explored mnemonic practices (memorials, national celebrations, commemorations etc.) the article addresses the role that remembering, as a part of a wider political culture, plays in situations where images of the past are not visible per se, but are implied or even openly invoked to explain and (de)legitimize choices political actors make. By analyzing the interactions of memories and new institutional arrangements related to minority rights in the case of the Bosniak minority in … Show more

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1
1
1

Citation Types

0
4
0

Year Published

2018
2018
2024
2024

Publication Types

Select...
6

Relationship

0
6

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 6 publications
(4 citation statements)
references
References 21 publications
0
4
0
Order By: Relevance
“…Muslim groups) were “problems” and, according to the evaluation team, lacked an appreciation of cultural heritage. This report paralleled tensions that arose over the name of the main square in Novi Pazar: the Square of Isa Bey Ishakovic, “an Ottoman general and the first governor of the Ottoman Province of Bosnia who was the founder of both Sarajevo and Novi Pazar,” or the Square of Stefan Nemanja, the “Grand Prince of the Serbian Grand Principality Rascia” (Lazic, 2013: 944). This and other decisions were regarded as black and white, or as Lazic argues, “were conducted as zero sum games: either as a banishment of the state of Serbia from this territory or as centuries–long discrimination and negation of Bosniak identity” (Lazic, 2013: 944).…”
Section: Fracturesmentioning
confidence: 84%
“…Muslim groups) were “problems” and, according to the evaluation team, lacked an appreciation of cultural heritage. This report paralleled tensions that arose over the name of the main square in Novi Pazar: the Square of Isa Bey Ishakovic, “an Ottoman general and the first governor of the Ottoman Province of Bosnia who was the founder of both Sarajevo and Novi Pazar,” or the Square of Stefan Nemanja, the “Grand Prince of the Serbian Grand Principality Rascia” (Lazic, 2013: 944). This and other decisions were regarded as black and white, or as Lazic argues, “were conducted as zero sum games: either as a banishment of the state of Serbia from this territory or as centuries–long discrimination and negation of Bosniak identity” (Lazic, 2013: 944).…”
Section: Fracturesmentioning
confidence: 84%
“…Through their public discourse and participation in war-related activities and commemorations, parties in Southeast Europe and in postwar societies elsewhere have maintained the relevance of past conflicts. Indeed, scholars have argued that the war past has become a central part of postwar political culture in certain countries, even decades after the ceasing of hostilities (Lazic 2013;Chirot et al 2014;Ashplant et al 2015). As such, it can be argued that political parties are not only an important driver behind the enduring importance of a war past but also a prerequisite.…”
Section: The Legacy Of War In Contemporary Party Preferencesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Considering everything we know about political competition in postwar societies -particularly those in Southeast Europe of the past two decades -this argumentation is in our view very plausible when it comes to contestation over collective war memories. Indeed, (some) parties in postwar societies actively keep the memory of war alive by partaking in commemorations of war-related events and engaging in public discourse and activities loaded with meaning related to the war past, so much so that it has become an integral part of the political culture even decades after the wars end (Ashplant, Dawson, and Roper 2015;Chirot, Shin, and Sneider 2014;Lazic 2013). The politics in Southeast Europe is replete with such examples that continue to mar the local political landscape to this day: from parties in Croatia sparring over the role of war veterans in society or the commemorative practices in the town of Vukovar that was the sight of the biggest battle during the war, to politicians in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, and Montenegro continuously debating the wars' causes or the genocidal nature of the massacres at Srebrenica.…”
Section: Collective War Memories and Political Contestationmentioning
confidence: 99%