Men over women: The social transmission of gender stereotypes through spatial elevation

Lamer, Sarah Ariel; Weisbuch, Max

doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2019.103828

Cited by 11 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 122 publications

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“…Another socially relevant intergroup setting concerns gender. Studies on vertical spatial bias have already shown that men and women are allocated spatial positions that either reflect shared stereotypes (Lamer & Weisbuch, 2019;Zarzeczna et al, 2020) or ingroup bias (Lamer et al, 2020). Whether the same holds true for horizontal bias remains to be explored.…”

Section: Limits and Future Directionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Spatial Ingroup Bias: Ingroup Teams Are Positioned Where Writing Starts

Bettinsoli

Suitner

Maass

et al. 2021

Pers Soc Psychol Bull

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In four studies, we test the hypothesis that people, asked to envisage interactions between an ingroup and an outgroup, tend to spatially represent the ingroup where writing starts (e.g., left in Italian) and as acting along script direction. Using soccer as a highly competitive intergroup setting, in Study 1 ( N = 100) Italian soccer fans were found to envisage their team on the left side of a horizontal soccer field, hence playing rightward. Studies 2a and 2b ( N = 219 Italian and N = 200 English speakers) replicate this finding, regardless of whether the own team was stronger or weaker than the rival team. Study 3 ( N = 67 Italian and N = 67 Arabic speakers) illustrates the cultural underpinnings of the Spatial Intergroup Bias, showing a rightward ingroup bias for Italian speakers and a leftward ingroup bias for Arabic speakers. Findings are discussed in relation to how space is deployed to symbolically express ingroup favoritism (Spatial Ingroup Bias) versus shared stereotypes (Spatial Agency Bias).

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Section: Limits and Future Directionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This, in turn, extends to additional abstract concepts such as social status (von Hecker et al, 2013). Recent evidence also suggests a conceptual blend of gender, power, and space such that male targets, especially when powerful, are represented higher up in space than female targets (Lamer & Weisbuch, 2019;Zarzeczna et al, 2020).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Spatial Ingroup Bias: Ingroup Teams Are Positioned Where Writing Starts

Bettinsoli

Suitner

Maass

et al. 2021

Pers Soc Psychol Bull

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“…Maass et al (2009) showed that preferences exist in Western art to depict Adam and Eve respectively on the left and right of representations of the Garden of Eden, and that study participants similarly constructed images with men first (i.e., left for Italian speakers and right for Arabic speakers in these studies). Spatial schemas also encode the implicit belief that groups with greater power should be depicted higher up in images (Lamer & Weisbuch, 2019; Paladino et al, 2017; Schubert, 2005). Yet, order in horizontal and vertical space differs because the relationship between verticality and power is scaffolded by metaphors in language (e.g., “being high up in an organization”), whilst the relationship between left–right and agency is not linguistically scaffolded in this way (for discussion, see Suitner & Maass, 2016).…”

Section: The Spatial Agency Biasmentioning

confidence: 99%

Embodied standpoints in gender difference graphs and tables: When, where, and why are men still prioritized?

Hegarty

Parr

2023

Feminism & Psychology

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Gender difference graphs and tables typically present data representing males first, ahead of data representing females. The Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association in 2010 advised authors against this “bias” when reporting gender differences. An experiment examined how this preference is related to embodied cognition, and two content analytic studies examined its persistence despite APA’s advice against it. In Study 1, 256 students drew bar graphs of gender differences and power differences. Participants spontaneously arrayed men first and higher power groups first most often, even when graph axes were placed to cue the opposite order. These results suggest that males-first order preferences follow from embodied biases to position agentic groups left and higher up in graphs and tables. Two content analyses systematically sampled psychology articles in four journals over a decade (Study 2) or 70 journals in a recent year (Study 3) to examine the impact of the APA manual’s advice on authors. The males-first preference remains prevalent in psychology publications, has reversed in Psychology of Women Quarterly (Study 2), and became polarized by author gender in social psychology (Study 3). These findings suggest that embodied cognition affects the visual representation of gender differences in psychology and is variably moderated by recent injunctions.

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“…People around the world expect girls and women to have different characteristics than boys and men, and scientists often trace differential treatment to these expectations. Accordingly, there now exist volumes of research describing the antecedents and consequences of gender roles : consensual expectations for the behaviors and characteristics of boys and men versus girls and women (Bussey & Bandura, 1984; Eagly & Steffen, 1984; Halim et al, 2017; Hoyt et al, 2009; Lamer & Weisbuch, 2019; Plant et al, 2000). Gender roles may thus be regarded as culturally shared knowledge about how girls and boys are expected to behave.…”

Section: Intersubjective Norms and Nonverbal Behaviormentioning

confidence: 99%

The transmission of gender stereotypes through televised patterns of nonverbal bias.

Lamer¹,

Dvorak²,

Biddle³

et al. 2022

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

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i at Ma ¯noa One tacit assumption in social psychology is that people learn gender stereotypes from their environments. Yet, little research has examined how such learning might occur: What are the features of social environments that shape people's gender stereotypes? We propose that nonverbal patterns communicate intersubjective gender norms (i.e., what behaviors people value in women and girls vs. men and boys). Furthermore, we propose that children develop intersubjective gender norms in part because they are commonly and consistently exposed to these nonverbal patterns. Across three studies, we tested the hypotheses that (a) children are frequently exposed to a nonverbal pattern of gender-role bias in which people respond more positively to gender-stereotypical than counterstereotypical girls and boys and (b) emotionally perceptive girls extract meaning from this pattern about what behaviors others value in girls (traditionally feminine behavior) and boys (traditionally masculine behavior). Study 1 indicated that characters across 12 popular U.S. children's TV programs exhibited a small, but consistent nonverbal bias favoring gender-stereotypical TV characters. In Study 2, girls (N = 68; 6-10 years) felt more pressure to be feminine after viewing TV clips that included traditional nonverbal bias than after viewing clips that reversed this bias. As predicted, these results held only to the extent that children could accurately decode nonverbal emotion (i.e., were emotionally perceptive). Study 3 replicated these results (N = 91; 6-11 years).

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Men over women: The social transmission of gender stereotypes through spatial elevation

Cited by 11 publications

References 122 publications

The Spatial Ingroup Bias: Ingroup Teams Are Positioned Where Writing Starts

The Spatial Ingroup Bias: Ingroup Teams Are Positioned Where Writing Starts

Embodied standpoints in gender difference graphs and tables: When, where, and why are men still prioritized?

The transmission of gender stereotypes through televised patterns of nonverbal bias.

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