Scholars from a range of disciplines have long recognized that a city's economic fortunes are closely tied to its position in networks of interurban exchanges. However, it remains unclear whether cities occupy a central position in the network because they are sites of significant economic activity (i.e., a flow generation hypothesis), or whether they experience greater economic growth because they occupy a central position in the network (i.e., a structural advantage hypothesis). This article tests these complementary hypotheses by examining the total nonfarm employment in, and air travel patterns of business passengers among, 128 U.S. metropolitan areas from 1993 to 2008 using a series of lagged regression models. Results lend support to the structural advantage hypothesis, but not for the flow generation hypothesis: centrality drives employment, but not vice versa. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these results for infrastructurefocused approaches to economic development.Scholars from a range of disciplines have long recognized that a city's economic fortunes are closely tied to its position in networks of interurban exchanges, with cities occupying more central positions experiencing relatively greater growth and stability. This insight has formed the core of several influential theoretical approaches to understanding urban economic development, including central place theory's transportation principle (Christaller, 1966), human ecology's conceptions of metropolitan dominance and interdependence (Bogue, 1949;Hawley, 1950;McKenzie, 1933), and most recently the spaces-of-flows perspective on globalization (Castells, 1996;Friedmann, 1986;Sassen, 1991). However, in each of these cases, conclusions concerning the relationship between a city's centrality in the network and its economic success have been associational rather than causal. It remains unclear whether cities occupy a central position in the network because they are sites of significant economic activity (i.e., a flow generation hypothesis), or whether they experience greater economic growth because they occupy a central position in the network (i.e., a structural advantage hypothesis). Identifying the direction of influence in this relationship has taken on particular significance given a recent focus on infrastructure development as a strategy for employment growth in policies like those favored by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act. This article seeks, first, to document the spatial restructuring of one intercity network-the business air travel network-that has taken place over the last 15 years. Second and more importantly, it aims to separate cause from effect by separately testing the structural advantage and flow generation hypotheses, thus answering the question: does centrality in the network create more jobs, or do higher levels of employment lead to greater centrality in the network? Specifically, annual air traffic patterns and total nonfarm employment in 128 U.S. metropolitan areas from 1993 to 2008 are ...