Migration and Labour Market Integration in Late Nineteenth‐Century England and Wales

Boyer, George R.; Hatton, Timothy J.

doi:10.1111/1468-0289.00075

Cited by 74 publications

(42 citation statements)

References 52 publications

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“…By 1914, in European terms, Spanish variation coefficients in real wages were even more similar. They ranged from 0.18 in agrarian laborers to 0.14 in industry urban workers while in early 20th century Europe they ranged from a minimum of 0.15 for farm labor in England in Wales to 0.20 for unskilled labor in Sweden (Boyer and Hatton, 1994). From the evidence presented here the Spanish experience seems therefore very much like other European countries in spite of very different aggregate economic performance.…”

mentioning

confidence: 61%

“…During the third period, the 1910s and the 1920s, migration to foreign countries decreased significantly, as a consequence of the disruption of the international labor markets (O'Rourke and Williamson, 1999), while internal labor movements increased to previously unheard of levels, especially in the 1920s. Table 3. 12 Labor demand and supply forces must also be taken into account in order to explain the convergence or divergence of wage rates; see Boyer and Hatton (1997). There are two major interpretations of the causes of low internal migration prior to the 1920s.…”

Section: What Role Did Migration Play In This Process Of Wage Convergmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Regional wage convergence in Spain 1850–1930

Rosés

Sánchez-Alonso

2004

Explorations in Economic History

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This paper presents a new regional database on real wages for Spain from 1850 to 1930. This evidence is used to analyze the evolution of wages across regions and occupations. Sub stantial wage convergence occurred from 1850 to 1914, despite low rates of internal migration. World War I and the subsequent globalization backlash were associated with a spectacular in crease in wage differentials. However, real wage convergence across Spanish provinces re sumed during the 1920s, this time accompanied by high rates of internal migration.

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confidence: 61%

Section: What Role Did Migration Play In This Process Of Wage Convergmentioning

confidence: 99%

Regional wage convergence in Spain 1850–1930

Rosés

Sánchez-Alonso

2004

Explorations in Economic History

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“…Thus Anderson's and other studies confirm the propositions that while many people moved, migration was often only over short distances, but that those who moved to London and other important urban labour markets moved much further on average. (Anderson, 1990, Boyer 1997, Boyer and Hatton, 1997.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Was Dick Whittington taller than those he left behind? Anthropometric measures, migration and the quality of life in early nineteenth century London?

Humphries

Leunig

2009

Explorations in Economic History

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Using a new source of evidence we explore the geographical mobility of mid-nineteenth century seamen. Among seamen born outside London, the tall, the literate and those who could remember the exact day, month and year when they were born -characteristics that we suggest mark them out as men with more choices in life -were more likely to migrate to London. Contrary to what might be inferred from contemporary descriptions of urban disamenities or from persistent differentials in mortality, London appears as a desirable destination for those who could choose. The conclusion must be that London was not so bad, and we should adjust our perception of the problems of urbanisation accordingly, with implications for the wider debate on the standard of living during the industrial revolution. The paper's methodological innovation is the use of height as an explanatory variable in the analysis of migration. Although correlated with other variables that are routinely used in anthropometric studies to indicate life chances, such as literacy and the ability to recall date of birth, height has many advantages over these alternatives in that it exhibits higher levels of significance, and is more flexible. Moreover while literacy and heaping are in essence binary variables, height is a (near) continuous one, and one that allows us to test for linear and non-linear responses, as we do with interesting results in this paper. Perhaps the most fruitful use of height in historical analyses may turn out to be as an explanatory variable; at the very least such a research strategy provides anthropometric historians with fresh opportunities.

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“…Tis echoes the conclusions of those who have employed similar data to study migration at RD, county or national levels . 43 But it may overestimate the more easily measurable economic factors and underestimate the less quantifable information fows that structured migration and help to explain why districts with similar economic structures had diferent rates of migration. For example, Kilkhampton and Whitstone SDs in north Cornwall had very similar proportions of men employed in farming.…”

Section: F R O M P a T T E R N S T O P R O C E S S E Smentioning

confidence: 99%

'We don't travel much, only to South Africa': Reconstructing Nineteenth-century Cornish Migration Patterns

Deacon

2007

Cornish Studies

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Intr o du cti onDudley Baines poses a key question about nineteenth-century migration: 'why did some places produce relatively more migrants than others which were outwardly similar?' 1 Yet pursuing an answer to this question is problematic in two ways. First, there is no agreed consensus on the scale to be adopted. In Britain most demographic data available to the historian of nineteenth -century migration is organized at regional, county or at registration district (RD) level. Te average size of the latter units were around 20,000 people. Although this enables investigation at a sub-county level, meeting Baines' point that neither regional nor county scale is sufciently sensitive to answer the relative migration question, it does not allow for easy testing of his further suggestion that the appropriate migration unit might be at the much smaller village or local community level. But the fuid process of immigration may need to be approached more fexibly. Charles Tilly has argued that the 'efective units of migration were (and are) neither individuals nor households but sets of people linked by acquaintance, kinship and work experience '.2 Transferring attention in this way from spatial units to neighbourhood, family or occupational networks tends to emphasize one of the broad approaches put forward by migration historians to explain the propensity to migrate, the existence of information networks, the other being economic conditions .3Te existence of information networks linking kin and community groups is seen as playing a particularly important role in the international migration

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Migration and Labour Market Integration in Late Nineteenth‐Century England and Wales

Cited by 74 publications

References 52 publications

Regional wage convergence in Spain 1850–1930

Regional wage convergence in Spain 1850–1930

Was Dick Whittington taller than those he left behind? Anthropometric measures, migration and the quality of life in early nineteenth century London?

'We don't travel much, only to South Africa': Reconstructing Nineteenth-century Cornish Migration Patterns

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