Naming and Framing: The Social Construction of Diagnosis and Illness

Brown, Phil

doi:10.2307/2626956

Cited by 497 publications

(368 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…Others have questioned the possibility that CfS may be a manifestation of depression (Abbey & Garfinkel, 1991;1991b). The very issue of providing a diagnosis that is acceptable to the afflicted individual gives rise to controversy (Brown, 1995). While sorne report that having a diagnosis helps individuals cope with feeling unwell (Woodward, 1993), other evidence suggests that reinforcing the notion that medically unexplained symptoms are biological in origin may be implicated in the chronicity of the disorder (Butler et al, 1991).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Perceived stigma in functional somatic syndromes and comparable medical conditions

Looper

Kirmayer

2004

Journal of Psychosomatic Research

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Perceived stigma in functional somatic syndromes and comparable medical conditions

Looper

Kirmayer

2004

Journal of Psychosomatic Research

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“…Many conditions that are medically unexplained overlap strongly with explained conditions, such as asthma. Environmental factors are an underresearched area of potential explanation and are the basis of contested diagnoses such as in the case of unacknowledged environmental contamination (Brown, 1995;Kipen and Fiedler, 2002).…”

Section: How Then To Explain the Unexplained?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Medically unexplained symptoms and the disease label

Jutel

2010

Soc Theory Health

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Medically unexplained symptoms are a source of frustration for clinician and patient alike. They simultaneously test the credibility of the doctor and the patient; the former, for his or her inability to label the patient's complaint, and the latter, for the ignominy of being perceived to have a factitious symptom. This review explores the discursive construction of such symptoms in the medical literature in order to appreciate the context in which medicine understands and manages non-diagnosed complaints. It uses medically unexplained symptoms as a heuristic for understanding the role of classification in constituting medicine as a social authority. In the absence of diagnostic category, medically unexplained symptoms are recast as a discrete category of their own. However, this category implies the infallibility of the physician and the relevance of the medical model in all circumstances. It transfers responsibility for the disorder to the patient in a way that may hinder resolution, and it ignores socio-historical practices that influence when and why patients consult a physician.

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“…It underscores that the value of a diagnosis lies not only in its prognostic capacity (Brown, 2000) and confirms that a diagnosis may facilitate identification, make support networks accessible (Lillrank, 2003;Reid, Ewan, & Lowy, 1991;Wray, Markovic, & Manderson, 2007) and allow affected persons to tell their stories (Fleischman, 1999). However, the above analysis moreover provides insights into the complex role of diagnosis in negotiations of sexed embodiment.…”

Section: Concluding Discussionmentioning

confidence: 94%

“Differently normal” and “normally different”: Negotiations of female embodiment in women's accounts of ‘atypical’ sex development

Guntram

2013

Social Science & Medicine

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AcknowledgementsI would like to express my deepest gratitude to the 23 interviewees who shared with me their stories about their lives. I would also like to thank the doctors, bloggers and patient organizations that helped me recruit the interviewees. KeywordsNormality, negotiation, diagnosis, sexed embodiment, atypical sex development, qualitative analysis, young women, Sweden Research highlights There is limited knowledge about facing atypical sex development as a young woman. The article explores how such women negotiate sexed embodiment. It shows how they use a "differently normal" and a "normally different" strategy. Doing so, they focus on bodily features that they do have to construe normalcy. Through a thematic and interpretative analysis, I outline two negotiation strategies: the "differently normal" and the "normally different" strategy. In the former, the women present themselves as just slightly different from 'normal' women. In the latter, they stress that everyone is different in some manner and thereby claim normalcy. The analysis reveals that access to diagnosis corresponds to the ways in which the women present themselves as "differently normal" and "normally different", thus shedding light on the complex role of diagnosis in their negotiations of sexed embodiment. It also reveals that the women make use of what they do have and how alignments with and work on norms interplay as normality is construed.

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Naming and Framing: The Social Construction of Diagnosis and Illness

Cited by 497 publications

References 40 publications

Perceived stigma in functional somatic syndromes and comparable medical conditions

Perceived stigma in functional somatic syndromes and comparable medical conditions

Medically unexplained symptoms and the disease label

“Differently normal” and “normally different”: Negotiations of female embodiment in women's accounts of ‘atypical’ sex development

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