Neg1 Constructions in Old English

Ohkado, Masayuki

doi:10.9793/elsj1984.13.277

Cited by 1 publication

(2 citation statements)

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“…Therefore, the T-head, into which the finite verb incorporates, undergoes head movement to C, yielding the V2 word order where the subject and the finite verb are inverted. 5 It has been generally assumed in the literature that ne was a proclitic, and therefore it must be on the immediate left side of a finite verb (van Kemenade (1987), Traugott (1992) and Ohkado (1996) among others). In (10b), the negative marker ne in [Spec, CP] can procliticize to the finite verb raised to C in the phonological component (see van Kemenade (2000) for the details of this phonological cliticization).…”

Section: The Derivation Of Ne-initial Constructionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…( 'they did not go up so far' Second, V1 constructions occurred with very low frequency (except in a small number of texts including Bede's History of the English Church), but ne-initial constructions were attested with much higher frequency (Ohkado (1996)). This is clear from the result of the investigation on the basis of YCOE, as summarized in Table 1.…”

Section: Spec CLmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Development of Negative-Initial Constructions in the History of English

Koike

2017

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This paper investigates the development of negative-initial constructions in the history of English, along the three stages of Jespersen's Cycle. It is proposed that two types of the negative marker ne were in competition at Stage 1, thereby motivating the loss of ne-initial constructions. Turning to Stage 2, the absence of negative inversion is argued to be accounted for in terms of Last Resort. Then, it is shown that the negative marker not has undergone structural competition from Stage 3 onward, but negative adverbs such as never have not. This difference is clearly reflected in the (im)possibility of their being fronted to sentence-initial position in Present-day English.

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Section: The Derivation Of Ne-initial Constructionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Spec CLmentioning

confidence: 99%