Null objects in Brazilian Portuguese

On null subjects and null objects in generative grammar

“…A similar proposal is also made by Lillo-Martin (1986) for null objects in American Sign Language. 13 By contrast, Chung (1984), Yoon (1985), Pingkarawat (1985), Rizzi (1986), Nakamura (1986), Äfarli & Creider (1987), Farrell (1990), Roberge (1991), and Sigurösson (1993) claim that null objects in Chamorro, Korean, Thai, Italian, Norwegian, Old Norse, Japanese, Brazilian Portuguese, French, Spanish, Arabic, and Old Icelandic are pros. Authier (1992), departing from Authier (1988), suggests that null objects in French, KiNande, and Tamil are A'-bound pros that are Caseless.…”

“…In an attempt to accommodate these counterexamples to Rizzi's identification mechanism, Farrell (1990) suggests that identification be broadened to include intrinsically specified features; in particular, he proposes that the following condition be added to (9b).…”

Rumos da linguística brasileira no século XXI

“…Observe--se que a interpretação que temos para o objeto nulo na sentença (7) pode ser ou 'o dinheiro do João' (leitura estrita), ou 'o dinheiro do Pedro' (leitura imprecisa). Além disso, o objeto nulo não permite que o sujeito da matriz seja o seu antecedente (FARRELL, 1990;CYRINO, 2008;SILVA, 2009;CYRINO;LOPES, 2012 Cyrino (2008) e Cyrino e Lopes (2012) investigaram esse fator, como sendo o resultado de um requerimento de paralelismo: o antecedente do objeto nulo deve ter a mesma posição na estrutura sintática da sentença matriz. Isso seria decorrente do fato de o objeto nulo ser um fenômeno de elipse de um sintagma nominal anafórico.…”

On the Syntax of Canonical Comparatives in European Portuguese

“…75 Yet, current research on Null Object has showed that this construction may cover different kinds of nominal expressions (see, for instance, Huang 1984, Rizzi 1986). In particular, these nominal expressions have been characterised either as a variable or a pronominal in European and in Brazilian Portuguese (see, among others, Raposo 1986, Farrell 1990, Kato 1993, Cyrino 1997, Kato & Raposo 2001). …”

“…(74) a. O Pedro gosta tanto da irmã como o Paulo gosta [-] 74 Notice, however, that the occurrence of Null Object is more constrained in EP than in Brazilian Portuguese -see, among others, Farrell 1990, Kato 1993, Bianchi & Oliveira 1994, Cyrino 1997, Galves 2001 See Pinkam 1985: 5-16 for arguments in favour of the quantificational nature of en in Comparative Constructions, and evidence for distinguishing this instance of en from its specific correlate. 76 These authors extend the Null Object construction to cases where the null complement of the verb is not nominal.…”