The article discusses the placement of the VP anaphor det 'it' as a complement of verbs selecting VP complements in Danish. With verbs that only allow a VP complement, the VP anaphor must be in SpecCP regardless of its information structure properties. If SpecCP is occupied by an operator, the anaphor can be in situ, but it cannot shift. With verbs that allow its VP complement to alternate with an NP complement, the VP anaphor can be in SpecCP, shifted or in situ according to the information structural properties of the anaphor. Only if SpecCP is occupied by an operator, must a topical anaphor be in situ. The article argues that a shifted pronominal in Danish must be categorially licensed by the verb and extends this analysis to shifting locatives. An Optimality Theory analysis is proposed that accounts for the observed facts. . boe.ibc@cbs.dk * Consider next, in Tableaux 4a-c, the verb savne 'to miss' in the very same environments. This verb allows an NP complement. For the verb savne 'to miss', the constraint VP-CAN does not take effect since the VP anaphor is a canonical complement. The constraint OP-SPC, however, takes effect to prevent a topical VP anaphor from being in SpecCP. A topical VP anaphor goes into the in-situ position to