Of Priestesses, Princes and Poor Relations: The Dead in the Royal Cemetery of Ur

Abstract

Archaeological discoveries of dead individuals, usually in the form of burials, have frequently captured the imaginations of public and professional audiences alike. In addition to the allure of exotic artefacts and seemingly bizarre funeral rites, burials offer rich possibilities for investigating myriad aspects of past social, cultural and even individual life. This discussion focuses on one of the more renowned archaeological excavations of an ancient cemetery, the Royal Cemetery of Ur. Consideration of who was and who was not buried in the cemetery suggests that cemetery burial was the prerogative of those people who were closely attached to ‘public’ institutions. This leads to a number of observations on Sumerian treatment of the dead and attitudes toward death, as these can be approached from archaeological and textual sources.

PG 1237, Royal Cemetery of Ur: Patterns in Death

“…Moreover, contemporary cuneiform texts indicate that in the Early Dynastic world, the gala (professional singers) may have been eunuchs, transvestites or homosexuals (Cheng 2009, 165-6, 171). As Pollock (1991a) pointed out, sex in this cemetery should not be confused with gender. Woolley's identification of the skeletons as female solely on the basis of their costume and accessories, and not on physiological measurements, is open to serious questioning (McCaffrey 2008, 177-83;Cheng 2009, 168).…”

“…In terms of excavation and field recording, Woolley, evidently ahead of his time, stands out as one of the most successful archaeologists of the twentieth century. The importance of the discovery, and the quality of the work done by the original excavators, is attested to by the unbroken interest in the Royal Cemetery of Ur which has resulted in new ideas in the fields of stratigraphy, chronology and history (Pollock 1985;Nissen 1966;Dyson 1976;Moorey 1977;Reade 2001;2003b;Marchesi 2004), anthropology of state formation (Pollock 1991a;2007a,b;Cohen 2005), physical chronology for the Royal Cemetery ranges from 2600 to 2450 bc (Reade 2001;2003a;McCaffrey 2008, 176).…”

“…More recently, Cohen (2005, 150) discussed the Royal Cemetery as the site and the ritual show of an elite banquet, materializing a strong 'palace ideology'. Pollock (1991a;2007a,b) while agreeing that feasting and distribution of food and drinks was an important activity, saw the main burials as belonging to preeminent leaders of elite households. Fully reflected in the elite burials of the Royal Cemetery, public feasting would have enhanced a psychological and behavioural connection between the mundane and the ritual, thus enforcing the relationships of power and submission that might explain the acceptance of a premature death by a mass of participants.…”

Identity and Adornment in the Third-millennium bc Mesopotamian ‘Royal Cemetery’ at Ur

“…The analysis focused on relative identities and dynamics. Although the definition of the assemblages and the identity of the community of which they were a part remains open to speculation, interpretations generally advocate royal and, or, priestly spheres (Benzel 2006;Cohen 2005;Marchesi 2004;Moorey 1977;Pollock 1991a;Reade 2001, 17-24;Woolley 1934). With the caveat that what follows is primarily a creative exercise, I now offer my thoughts on the more specific identities of those interred at Ur.…”

Manichaeism and Ancient Mesopotamian "Gnosticism"

“…In great likelihood Inanna/Ishtar's jewelry constitutes a material embodiment of her special divine powers that would enable her to extend her range of influence to the Netherworld, as she initially intends to do (ibid., 20). On the idea that being dressed and "bejeweled" renders the deceased "powerful," see also Pollock 1991: 180. 45 Jacobsen 1987: 216, n. 15.…”