Old Chinese. A New Reconstruction, 2014

Baxter, William H.; Sagart, Laurent

doi:10.31826/9781463236984-011

Cited by 44 publications

(108 citation statements)

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“…As a measure of comparison, over 20% of syllables in Old Chinese as reconstructed by Baxter and Sagart (2014) contain a preinitial or a medial *r , while in Japhug and Tibetan, where consonant clusters including r are attested, we only find respectively 12% and 16% of syllables with non-initial r .…”

Section: Loss Of *-R-?mentioning

confidence: 78%

“…Third, an alternative possibility is that the present models of Old Chinese reconstruction (including Starostin 1989, Schuessler 2009, and Baxter and Sagart 2014 overestimate the quantity of syllables with medial or prefixed *r-in Old Chinese by overgeneralization. In all modern systems of reconstruction, *-r-is reconstructed for all syllables with either second division rhyme, chongniu 3 and/or retroflex initials in Middle Chinese.…”

Section: Loss Of *-R-?mentioning

confidence: 95%

“…The vowel correspondence is not a match (Gong 1995), and the Chinese verb is obviously related to *rut lwit 'law, rule': the s-is here denominal. On the etymology of *rut , see Sagart (2014). The only other comparison, *s-r ar n x 'produce' to Tibetan srel 'bring up', which appears possible on the basis of Middle Chinese, is to be ruled out once Old Chinese reconstruction is taken into account.…”

Section: The Comparison Of Chinesementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Some reconstruction models, such as that of Baxter and Sagart (2014), allow more complex clusters such as *sNr-where *N is a nasal with as outcome in Middle Chinese. However, even in the case of these cluster an intermediate stage *sNr-*sr--has to be postulated.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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On the cluster * sr – in Sino-Tibetan

Jacques¹

2015

jcl

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Section: Loss Of *-R-?mentioning

confidence: 78%

Section: Loss Of *-R-?mentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: The Comparison Of Chinesementioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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On the cluster * sr – in Sino-Tibetan

Jacques¹

2015

jcl

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“…But this reconstruction is now widely regarded as unsatisfactory, and several alternative analyses have been proposed (see Baxter & Sagart 2014:68-80 for details). Inspired by the treatment in Norman (1994), Baxter & Sagart (2014) assign pharyngealization to oc type-A words, and absence of pharyngealization to type-B words. The main argument for reconstructing pharyngealization is a set of sound changes that occurred during the Hàn period (206 bce-220 ce), which affected type-A syllables and type-B syllables differently: original high vowels remain high in type-B syllables, but are lowered in type-A syllables; and original low vowels, which are raised in certain environments in type-B syllables, remain low in type-A syllables.…”

Section: The Reconstruction Of Oc Pharyngealized Consonantsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Hypothesis on the Origin of Old Chinese Pharyngealization (上古漢語咽化聲母來源的一個假設)

Sagart¹,

Baxter

2016

Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics

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It is proposed that oc pharyngealized onset consonants—that is, ‘type-A’ onset consonants—arose out of Proto-Sino-Tibetan plain consonants followed by geminate vowels separated by a pharyngeal fricative. When the first copy of the geminate vowel fell, the initial consonants formed clusters with the pharyngeal fricative, evolving into the oc pharyngealized consonants we reconstruct. In the Kuki-Chin branch of Tibeto-Burman, the pharyngeal fricative fell, and long vowels resulted. This proposal supposes a statistical correlation between Kuki-Chin long vowels and oc type-A words on the one hand, and between Kuki-Chin short vowels and oc type-B words on the other, as originally proposed by S. Starostin. A significant statistic bearing on forty-three probable Chinese-Kuki-Chin cognates supports this correlation. Thus reconstructed, a precursor language of Proto-Sino-Tibetan was aligned with Proto-Austronesian and Proto-Austroasiatic in exhibiting a surface constraint against monomoraic free words: by that constraint, the vowel of an underlying monosyllable was realized as a geminate with an intervening parasitic consonant such as a glottal stop or a pharyngeal fricative, while the vowels of a disyllable remained nongeminate. After reduction of disyllables to monosyllables, this process resulted in a pharyngealized vs. nonpharyngealized consonant distinction in oc. 論文提出對上古漢語咽化聲母（即“A類聲母”）來源的一個假設，認為咽化聲母來源於原始漢藏語的無標記輔音，並且此無標記輔音後跟隨著由咽部擦音[ʕ]分割的雙胞元音（geminate vowels）。在雙胞元音的前半部分脫落後，輔音聲母跟咽部擦音形成了複輔音。新形成的複輔音最終演變為上古漢語的咽化聲母。而在藏緬語庫基-欽（Kuki-Chin）語支中，則是咽化擦音脫落，使雙胞元音變為長元音。本文解釋了漢語與庫基-欽語中一個統計學的顯著相關性：一方面，庫基-欽語含長元音的詞與上古漢語含A類聲母的詞呈顯著相關；另一方面，庫基-欽語含短元音的詞與上古漢語含B類聲母的詞呈顯著相關，正如斯塔羅金（S. Starostin）所說。據此構擬，我們提出原始漢藏語、原始南島語與原始南亞語中的一個共同限制（constraint）：禁止在語流中出現單音拍（monomoraic）詞。在這一限制的作用下，單音節詞的單元音發生了雙胞化（germination），雙胞元音中間插入了喉塞音或咽部擦音之類的次聲輔音。而同時，雙音節詞的元音無變化。漢語經過雙音節詞的單音節化，就形成了無標記輔音與咽化輔音的音位對立。(This article is in English.)

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Early Chinese Manuscript Writings for the Name of the Sage Emperor Shun 舜, and the Legacy of Warring States-Period Orthographic Variation in Early Chinese Received Texts

Smith

2017

Early China

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The graph used to write the name of the mythical emperor Shun 舜 in received texts is a puzzling one. It is not obvious that any component in the graph, as it appears today, is semantically motivated, nor is there any element well suited to representing the name Shun phonetically. Texts like the Shuowen jiezi 說文解字 preserve an alternate writing of the name under the rubric “guwen 古文,” but this too is hard to analyze in terms of the semantic and phonological motivation of the graph components. Without a clear understanding of why the name Shun is written the way it is, a reliable reconstruction of its Old Chinese pronunciation is difficult, and many of the graphic and phonological associations with “Shun” and related words made by early Chinese script, texts, and commentaries would be opaque.A graph that is clearly writing the name Shun, seen for the first time in two of the Warring States-period manuscripts from Guodian 郭店, partially resolved these difficulties, and in particular the question of the phonological spelling of the name. This in turn allows a series of interesting textual problems to be resolved. This article presents a selection of these, and discusses their implications for the history of the Chinese script and for textual transmission.

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Old Chinese. A New Reconstruction, 2014

Cited by 44 publications

References 0 publications

On the cluster * sr – in Sino-Tibetan

On the cluster * sr – in Sino-Tibetan

A Hypothesis on the Origin of Old Chinese Pharyngealization (上古漢語咽化聲母來源的一個假設)

Early Chinese Manuscript Writings for the Name of the Sage Emperor Shun 舜, and the Legacy of Warring States-Period Orthographic Variation in Early Chinese Received Texts

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