On dissociating adjunct island and subject island effects

McInnerney, Andrew; Sugimoto, Yushi

doi:10.3765/plsa.v7i1.5207

Cited by 3 publications

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“…As McInnerney and Sugimoto (2022) note, there is no independent motivation to assume that P-stranding should ever be harder than pied-piping, since the former is clearly the preferred option for extraction in English. We refer the interested reader to McInnerney and Sugimoto (2022) for an interesting alternate explanation of Abeillé and colleagues' results, according to which the apparent cases of pied-piping from subjects are not cases of extraction at all, but rather instances of base-generated topic PPs.…”

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Comparing Island Effects for Different Dependency Types in Norwegian

et al. 2022

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Recent research suggests that island effects may vary as a function of dependency type, potentially challenging accounts that treat island effects as reflecting uniform constraints on all filler-gap dependency formation. Some authors argue that cross-dependency variation is more readily accounted for by discourse-functional constraints that take into account the discourse status of both the filler and the constituent containing the gap. We ran a judgment study that tested the acceptability of wh-extraction and relativization from nominal subjects, embedded questions (EQs), conditional adjuncts, and existential relative clauses (RCs) in Norwegian. The study had two goals: (i) to systematically investigate cross-dependency variation from various constituent types and (ii) to evaluate the results against the predictions of the Focus Background Conflict constraint (FBCC). Overall we find some evidence for cross-dependency differences across extraction environments. Most notably wh-extraction from EQs and conditional adjuncts yields small but statistically significant island effects, but relativization does not. The differential island effects are potentially consistent with the predictions of the FBCC, but we discuss challenges the FBCC faces in explaining finer-grained judgment patterns.

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Comparing Island Effects for Different Dependency Types in Norwegian

et al. 2022

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Coordinate Structures

Zhang

2023

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In a coordination construction, which is universally available, two or more syntactic constituents are combined, with or without an overt coordinator. This Element examines how coordinate structures are derived syntactically, focussing on the syntactic operations involved, including constraints on both their operations and the representations they produce. Specifically, considering the recent research development in the syntax of coordination, the Element discusses whether any special syntactic operation is required to derive various coordinate constructions, including constructions in which each conjunct has a gap, whether there is any special functional category heading coordinate constructions in general, what the morphosyntactic statuses of coordinators (i.e., conjunctions and disjunctions) are in some specific languages, whether the structure of a coordinate construction can be beyond the binary complementation structure, and whether the mobility of conjuncts and the mobility of elements in conjuncts require any construction-specific constraint on syntactic operations.

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Resumptive pronouns and code-switched A-bar dependencies: investigating the effects of optimization strategies in Egyptian Arabic/English bilinguals

Sedarous,

Baptista

2024

Front. Lang. Sci.

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In this paper we investigate bilinguals' sensitivity to two structures that display overlapping word orders across their two languages but are argued to have different derivational properties in their formation. We focus on filler-gap dependencies with and without resumptive pronouns in Egyptian Arabic, a language argued to have grammatical resumptive pronouns base generated at the tail end of nominal A-bar dependencies, and English, a language argued to have intrusive resumptive pronouns inserted post-syntactically due to illicit movement operations, such as in syntactic islands. Using experimental data from code-switched filler-gap dependencies, we argue that when given conflicting requirements of structural well-formedness, this population of bilinguals converge on a single structural representation across their two languages, resulting in a one-to-one mapping between derivational properties and surface form rather than maintaining two distinct representations resulting in a many-to-one mapping. To explain why bilinguals may have chosen to converge onto a unified structure rather than maintaining two distinct representations, we highlight that such one-on-one mapping is part of an arsenal of optimization strategies observable in the grammars of various bilingual populations in which bilinguals capitalize on the structural overlaps already present between their two languages. For the purpose of this paper, such optimization results in a structure that is ultimately common to both English and Egyptian Arabic, for this population of bilinguals.

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On dissociating adjunct island and subject island effects

Cited by 3 publications

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Comparing Island Effects for Different Dependency Types in Norwegian

Comparing Island Effects for Different Dependency Types in Norwegian

Coordinate Structures

Resumptive pronouns and code-switched A-bar dependencies: investigating the effects of optimization strategies in Egyptian Arabic/English bilinguals

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