In computational neurolinguistics, it has been demonstrated that hierarchical models such as Recurrent Neural Network Grammars (RNNGs), which jointly generate word sequences and their syntactic structures via the syntactic composition, better explained human brain activity than sequential models such as Long Short-Term Memory networks (LSTMs). However, the vanilla RNNG has employed the top-down parsing strategy, which has been pointed out in the psycholinguistics literature as suboptimal especially for head-final/left-branching languages, and alternatively the left-corner parsing strategy has been proposed as the psychologically plausible parsing strategy. In this paper, building on this line of inquiry, we investigate not only whether hierarchical models like RNNGs better explain human brain activity than sequential models like LSTMs, but also which parsing strategy is more neurobiologically plausible, by developing a novel fMRI corpus where participants read newspaper articles in a head-final/left-branching language, namely Japanese, through the naturalistic fMRI experiment. The results revealed that left-corner RNNGs outperformed both LSTMs and top-down RNNGs in the left inferior frontal and temporal-parietal regions, suggesting that there are certain brain regions that localize the syntactic composition with the left-corner parsing strategy.

The goal of this paper is to further our understanding of the nature of functional features in Creoles while focusing on how the functional exponent is morphologically realized, assuming a late-insertion-based exoskeletal model in the language mixing scholarly literature. In language mixing, it is observed that words are mixed within a certain syntactic domain (e.g., DP-NP, VoiceP/vP-TP, etc.). For example, in the nominal domain, a determiner D may be from one language, and N (or a stem, e.g., root + categorizer) may originate from another language. Grimstad and Riksem propose that the functional projection FP intervenes between D and N, and both D and F are from one language and N from another language. The phonological exponent of the functional features (e.g., D and F) are assumed to be language-specific (i.e., from one language), subject to the subset principle. Closer to the case that concerns us, Åfarli and Subbarao show that through long-term language contact, functional features can be reconstituted, and the functional exponent can be genuinely innovative. In our study, we propose that functional features can be themselves recombined and that Creole languages can provide evidence for feature recombination either by virtue of their hybrid grammar or through the congruent functional categories they display, using a late-insertion-based exoskeletal model. That is, functional features are not individually inherited from one language or another but can be recombined to form new functional features, allowing a novel functional exponent. To show this, we use synchronic empirical data focusing on the anterior marker -ba from Cabo Verdean Creole (CVC), Manjako (one of CVC Mande substrates), and Portuguese (CVC lexifier) to show how the recombination may operate, as CVC -ba recombines the features it inherited from its source languages while innovating. In sum, the purpose of this study is to show that feature recombination targeting the functional categories of Creole source languages can lead to innovation and that a late-insertion exoskeletal model can best account for the novel functional exponents that result from feature recombination in Creole formation.

This paper proposes a new analysis of so‐called ‘defective T’ (a postulate originally discussed in Chomsky 2000, 2001) and seeks a label‐based theoretical explanation of phenomena associated with the distribution of subjects in infinitival clauses. I argue that we do not need to postulate ‘defective T’ as an element of the lexicon. Following Chomsky’s (2013, 2015) labeling approach, which investigates only finite clauses, I argue here that the subject of infinitive‐to is pair‐merged structure and the associated predicate forms an {XP, YP} structure, which is unlabelable. To attain labeling, the subject position ([spec, TP]) in the infinitival clause moves out and the label of the resulting structure is the amalgam , which has no visible Spec (violating EPP). As a consequence, we eliminate the Merge‐over‐Move principle.

In this paper we defend non-unified approaches to subject and adjunct islands. We review syntactic and extrasyntactic approaches as well as unified and non-unified approaches to these two island effects. Since Huang (1982), these two islands have been treated as two strong island effects (i.e., extraction out of these domains is uniformly banned). This idea was inherited in some Minimalist literature (e.g, Nunes & Uriagereka 2000). However, following Stepanov (2007), much recent Minimalist literature pursues non-unified analyses wherein the two islands have distinct explanations. The opposite situation holds for recent extrasyntactic approaches, which seem to prefer a unified analysis. We argue that existing unified extrasyntactic approaches are inadequate, and that the data call for a non-unified approach involving both syntactic and extrasyntactic principles.

O tema da variação linguística, correspondendo à variação paramétrica na sintaxe, não tem sido explorado de modo compreensivo na abordagem minimalista (veja-se, no entanto, ROBERTS, 2019 e as referência lá citadas). Duas visões centrais e parcialmente distintas da variação linguística nesse arcabouço são: (i) a variação se origina no léxico (a chamada conjectura Borer-Chomsky, cf. BAKER, 2008) e (ii) a variação reside na externalização (a conjectura Berwick-Chomsky). Neste artigo, exploramos uma terceira visão da variação linguística, invocando a subespecificação do ordenamento de regras na sintaxe estrita, baseada em Obata et al. (2015). Para implementar essa abordagem, comparamos duas línguas, o português brasileiro (PB) e o crioulo cabo-verdiano (CCV), quanto à concordância do complementador em perguntas-WH envolvendo argumento e adjunto. Enquanto o CCV exige a expressão do complementador nas perguntas-WH, o PB apresenta um padrão geral de opcionalidade nas perguntas-WH tanto de argumento quanto de adjunto. Defendemos que os dois sistemas podem ser explicados em termos de subespecificação do ordenamento de regras na gramática.