On multiple questions and multiple WH fronting

Rudin, Catherine

doi:10.1007/bf00134489

Cited by 381 publications

(129 citation statements)

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“…15 The kind of parameterization embodied by (i) is well-supported for locality domains at the CP level: English CPs, for example, are restricted to a single escape hatch, whereas Bulgarian CPs are not (see Richards 2001;Rudin 1988). 16 If the locality boundary found at the verb-phrase level is of the same sort as the one found at the CP level (e.g.…”

Section:  High-abs and Localitymentioning

confidence: 97%

The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries

Coon¹,

Pedro²,

Preminger³

2014

128

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Many morphologically ergative languages display asymmetries in the extraction of core arguments: while absolutive arguments (transitive objects and intransitive subjects) extract freely, ergative arguments (transitive subjects) cannot. This falls under the label "syntactic ergativity" (see, e.g. Dixon 1972Dixon , 1994Manning 1996; Polinsky to appear(b)). These extraction asymmetries are found in many languages of the Mayan family, where in order to extract transitive subjects (for focus, questions, or relativization), a special construction known as the "Agent Focus" (AF) must be used. These AF constructions have been described as syntactically and semantically transitive because they contain two non-oblique DP arguments, but morphologically intransitive because the verb appears with only a single agreement marker and takes an intransitive status suffix (Aissen 1999; Stiebels 2006). In this paper we offer a proposal for (i) why some morphologically ergative languages exhibit extraction asymmetries, while others do not; and (ii) how the AF construction in Q'anjob'al circumvents this problem. We adopt recent accounts which argue that ergative languages vary in the locus of absolutive case assignment (Aldridge 2004(Aldridge , 2008aLegate 2002Legate , 2008, and propose that this variation is present within the Mayan family. Based primarily on comparative data from Q'anjob'al and Chol, we argue that the inability to extract ergative arguments does not reflect a problem with properties of the ergative subject itself, but rather reflects locality properties of absolutive case assignment in the clause. We show how the AF morpheme -on circumvents this problem in Q'anjob'al by assigning case to internal arguments.

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Section:  High-abs and Localitymentioning

confidence: 97%

The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries

Coon¹,

Pedro²,

Preminger³

2014

128

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“…In (20a-b), the fronted constituent as head or phrase lands in a higher projection than the auxiliary in TP-[ XP Pismoto [ TP e]]-, so the PF condition is also satisfied. Wh-phrases front to Spec-CP (Rudin, 1988 and later work), so if the clitic auxiliary is in TP the same idea is valid for (23a). PF verb fronting does not apply in (23b), because the auxiliary condition is satisfied if at least one Wh-phrase raises.…”

Section: Word Order Variation With Emphasis On the Auxiliary Verb Comentioning

confidence: 90%

Topics in Bulgarian morphology and syntax: a minimalist perspective

Rivero

2005

Lingua

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This paper offers a minimalist view of a variety of topics that in Bulgarian are at the crossroads of lexicon, syntax, morphology, and phonology. It discusses syntactic characteristics in periphrastic tenses with biclausal structures and the formal properties of Balkan control/raising constructions. It sketches accounts for clitic templates, person restrictions, and reflexive haplology that combine syntax and morphology, and assign an important role to person in postsyntactic morphology. It reviews some minimalist-oriented displacement analyses of the distribution of interrogative li. It examines the construction with an obligatory clitic Trese me ''I am shivering,'' proposing that lexical structure and syntactic conditions on clitic pronouns and doubling account for its characteristics. It compares two prominent GB/minimalist views on reflexive marking and applies them to inherent reflexive verbs. It ends by discussing word order in auxiliary complexes, and touches on left branch phenomena, and on the relation between displacement and information structure. #

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“…The reason for such crosslinguistic variation is quite simple under current proposal. Standardly assuming that languages with multiple wh-fronting resort to multiple specifiers of CP, unlike languages of the English type (Rudin, 1988;Richards 2001;a.o. ), it is not surprising that echo wh-extraction is licit only in the former type of languages.…”

Section: Echo Wh-extraction Through Phase Edgesmentioning

confidence: 99%

On wh-movement in Spanish Echo Questions

Chernova¹

2017

Borealis

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ABSTRACT. This paper examines Spanish echo questions, an understudied phenomenon even in extensively described languages such as English. In particular, it focuses on a very particular type of echo questions, such as those made in response to a previous yes/no question (e.g. -Did you buy { mumble }?; -Did I buy WHAT?) and makes a detailed description, on the one hand, of inherent echo features, common across most languages, and, on the other, those language-specific. In particular, I argue that wh-in-situ is not the only possible option in Spanish EQs in order to get a proper, echo interpretation. In addition, I offer some evidence from Spanish data in favour of a particular syntactic structure underlying this sort of questions (Sobin 2010).Keywords. wh-movement; wh-in-situ; echo questions; discourse RESUMEN. En este artículo se examinan las preguntas de eco en español, que constituyen un fenómeno poco estudiado incluso en aquellos idiomas que han sido extensivamente descritos (por ejemplo, inglés). Este artículo, además, presta especial atención a un tipo de preguntas de eco muy particular, como aquellas que se producen en respuesta a una interrogativa polar (p.ej, -¿Has comprado { xxx }? -¿Que si he comprado QUÉ?). En el estudio se ofrece una detallada descripción, por un lado, de las características generales de las preguntas de eco, comunes entre diferentes lenguas, y, por otro lado, características propias de las preguntas de eco en español. En concreto, se argumenta que la opción con el pronombre qu-in situ no es la única en las preguntas de eco en español, sino que este también puede desplazarse a diferentes posiciones dentro de la oración. Adicionalmente, se demuestra que español ofrece un interesante argumento a favor de una estructura sintáctica particular que caracteriza este tipo de oraciones interrogativas (Sobin 2010).Palabras clave. movimiento qu-; qu-in situ; preguntas de eco; discurso IntroductionEcho wh-questions (hereafter wh-EQs) are generally used in immediate response to an utterance to request for repetition or to express speaker's surprise or amazement at some aspect of the utterance's content. This type of questions is traditionally considered as a counterpoint to standard assumptions about interrogative syntax. The few existent syntactic and pragmatic studies on EQs have argued that they do not exhibit overt wh-movement (see Noh 1998;Iwata 2003; den Dikken 2003;Fiengo 2007;Sobin 2010; a.o.). In effect, it has been observed for English that EQs seem to be immune to the obligatory wh-movement and the consequent T-to-C verb raising, as illustrated in (1a). EQs can also apparently violate Superiority effects when containing more than one wh-word, as shown in (1b) (hereafter the echo-introduced wh-phrases appear in small caps):

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On multiple questions and multiple WH fronting

Cited by 381 publications

References 11 publications

The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries

The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries

Topics in Bulgarian morphology and syntax: a minimalist perspective

On wh-movement in Spanish Echo Questions

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