On the Social Foundations for Crimmigration: Latino Threat and Support for Expanded Police Powers

On the Radar: System Embeddedness and Latin American Immigrants' Perceived Risk of Deportation

“…Although threequarters of immigrants reside in the United States with authorization, a majority of Americans is unaware of this reality (Doherty et al 2018;Flores and Schachter 2018). A Latino threat narrative promulgated by self-interested politicians, immigration officials, and media elites shaped public opinion toward support of greater regulation of immigrants in their local communities (Massey et al 2016;Pickett 2016). Through a number of policies and programs, such as 287(g) Memoranda of Agreement, Secure Communities, and the Priority Enforcement Program, federal and state and local law enforcement began cooperating to detain and deport noncitizens (see Armenta 2017; Asad and Rosen 2019).…”

“…A growing body of research is attuned to the situation of approximately 6 million undocumented immigrants from Latin America, as well as their 8 million US-citizen family members (American Immigration Council 2018), who are the primary targets of deportation (Golash-Boza and Hondagneu-Sotelo 2013). Through a series of federal, state, and local policies-ranging from the rationing of legal status to the growing cooperation between federal immigration and subnational law enforcement agencies (Garip et al 2019;Pickett 2016)-deportability structures the multiple forms of marginalization the undocumented face. Through a series of federal, state, and local policies-ranging from the rationing of legal status to the growing cooperation between federal immigration and subnational law enforcement agencies (Garip et al 2019;Pickett 2016)-deportability structures the multiple forms of marginalization the undocumented face.…”

Toward a Better Understanding of Politicized Policing Attitudes: Conflicted Conservatism and Support for Police Use of Force

“…The findings from logistic regression models estimated with two analytic samples (N = 11,119 and 2,069) indicate that conflicted conservatives' attitudes about police use of force are distinct from those of "consistent conservatives" who are both symbolically and operationally conservative, but do not reflect a unique consideration of utilitarian concerns over symbolic beliefs. Two other notable findings emerged: 1) Racial attitudes predicted support for police use of excessive force invariably across political groups and 2) public support for excessive force increased substantially during the first decade of the twenty-first century, sharply contrasting trends in general punitive sentiment.Criminologists increasingly are devoting theoretical and empirical attention to understanding public attitudes toward police practices such as racial profiling and the use of force (e.g., Higgins, Gabbidon, and Jordan, 2008;Johnson and Kuhns, 2009;Pickett, 2015). This line of research has great political relevance because of the ongoing public debate about both the appropriate level of police power and the situations in which police officers should exercise their authority.…”

Toward an Analytical Framework for the Study of Race and Police Violence

“…However, changing public discourse on race and policing may be as difficult to secure as reparations (Dyson ), as American race relations seem to be worsening. In this connection, Brown () writes incisively on “racially divisive appeals” in the recent presidential debates, while Sellers and Arrigo () and Pickett () sharply critique anti‐immigrant rhetoric and the stereotyping of immigrants as criminals.…”