On the Syntax and Semantics of Negation in Salish

Davis, Henry

doi:10.1086/430577

Cited by 13 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…26 For parallels with Salish also in the functioning of negation, see Davis (2005). 27 For a more detailed presentation of this analysis, the reader is referred to Salanova (2007b).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Relative clauses in Mẽbengokre

Salanova¹

2011

Typological Studies in Language

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This paper describes and proposes an analysis of relative clauses in Mẽbengokre, a Jê language from the eastern Amazon region of Brazil. Relative clauses in this language are normally internally-headed, and the verbal predicate within them assumes a nominal form, triggering ergative alignment. The description of relative clauses addresses first ( §2) their internal characteristics, i.e., ergative case marking, absence of morphological marking of the head of the relative clause, absence of some of the TAM categories present in main clauses, and the fact that internal heads can be omitted, yielding "free relative" constructions; §3 describes their external characteristics, i.e., their peculiar distribution within the clause, which often requires displacement to a left-peripheral focus position, the determiners and classifiers that may occur outside of the relative clause, and the possibility of some heads being external to the relative clause, among other topics.The main thrust of our analysis of relative clauses is to show ( §4) that they are not adjuncts of any sort, but rather self-contained noun phrases. In light of this idea, we analyze all "adjectival" modification within a noun phrase as having a predicative structure identical to that of relative clauses. The paper concludes by arguing that the proposed analysis of relative clauses illustrates a striking property of Mẽbengokre, namely the systematic ambiguity between modifiers and heads found in all nominal expressions in the language.

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“…26 For parallels with Salish also in the functioning of negation, see Davis (2005). 27 For a more detailed presentation of this analysis, the reader is referred to Salanova (2007b).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Relative clauses in Mẽbengokre

Salanova¹

2011

Typological Studies in Language

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“…'yet,' all of which precede the head NP. The gap corresponding to the head NP cal-cale 'huckleberry' is in the nominalized clause embedded under the negation predicate (see Davis 2005 on negation in Salish).…”

Section: Det=2sgpocl=nom=cook[lntrans] Llnk=det=stewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Focus on head-final relatives

Koch

2013

Can. J. Linguist.

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Head-final relatives in Nɬe?kepmcxín (Thompson River Salish) have previously been described as rare. This article presents new data illustrating a range of possible head-final relatives and the discourse context in which they occur. The difference between head-initial and head-final relative structures is accounted for by information structure, namely the position of focus. When focus falls on the entire NP containing the relative clause, a head-initial relative is generated. However, when focus falls on the relative clause itself, excluding the head noun, a head-final relative is used. The effect inside complex nominals is to linearize focus before background, matching the FOCUS ≫ BACKGROUND generalization observed in matrix clause focus marking. The study is the first examination of focus marking inside the Salishan nominal domain.

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“…The existence of a conventionally defined VP is unexpected under the PAH, since all DPs are adjuncts, and should be outside the VP (if one exists). In St'át'imcets, three grammatical processes pick out the VP: VP-coordination, VP-pronominalization (Davis 2005), and VP ellipsis (Davis , 2005(Davis , 2009. The last provides perhaps the most compelling evidence for a VP constituent (although it appears to be confined to St'át'imcets), since it rather strikingly resembles its English counterpart.…”

Section: Configurationalitymentioning

confidence: 99%