2018
DOI: 10.5334/gjgl.441
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On “zero” and semantic plurality

Abstract: We discuss the semantics of prenominal "zero", as in "I have zero new emails in my inbox". We show that "zero" is not a quantifier like "no" and that giving "zero" a regular numeral semantics is possible and desirable. We formulate such an analysis and its consequences. We show that the existence of a zero numeral has profound consequences for linguistic semantics. We conclude that the fact that languages allow ascription of zero quantity to an entity provides evidence that linguistic semantics has access to w… Show more

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Cited by 22 publications
(26 citation statements)
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References 26 publications
(28 reference statements)
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“…In short, under the degree quantifier analysis, “ zero ” gives rise to a meaning that is indistinguishable from that of “ no .” As such, one comes to predict that “ zero ” and “ no ” also license negative polarity items to the same degree. This is, however, not the case empirically, compare (51‐a) and (51‐b) (Bylinina & Nouwen, 2018; Zeijlstra, 2007):…”
Section: Numerals As Degree Quantifiersmentioning
confidence: 94%
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“…In short, under the degree quantifier analysis, “ zero ” gives rise to a meaning that is indistinguishable from that of “ no .” As such, one comes to predict that “ zero ” and “ no ” also license negative polarity items to the same degree. This is, however, not the case empirically, compare (51‐a) and (51‐b) (Bylinina & Nouwen, 2018; Zeijlstra, 2007):…”
Section: Numerals As Degree Quantifiersmentioning
confidence: 94%
“…Whether this property of the analysis makes desirable predictions is less clear. For an argument against the exactly analysis for numerals based on the polarity profile of the numeral “ zero ” see Bylinina and Nouwen (2018). In short, under the degree quantifier analysis, “ zero ” gives rise to a meaning that is indistinguishable from that of “ no .” As such, one comes to predict that “ zero ” and “ no ” also license negative polarity items to the same degree.…”
Section: Numerals As Degree Quantifiersmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While both are consistent with the empty set, only no X is downward monotone (consider the unacceptability of *zero students have ever opened the book, compared to the acceptability of no student has ever opened the book). Zero X is not a downward monotone quantifier, and in fact, it is not even a quantifier (Bylinina & Nouwen 2018). The everyday interpretation of zero as none, according to Bylinina & Nouwen (2018), comes about via an implicature.…”
Section: Downward Monotonicitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Zero X is not a downward monotone quantifier, and in fact, it is not even a quantifier (Bylinina & Nouwen 2018). The everyday interpretation of zero as none, according to Bylinina & Nouwen (2018), comes about via an implicature. Thus, if downward monotonicity has a processing effect, no X should be more costly than zero X, despite the superficial similarity between their meanings.…”
Section: Downward Monotonicitymentioning
confidence: 99%
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