Pagan Gaddang Spouse Exchange

Wallace, Ben J.

doi:10.2307/3772979

Cited by 5 publications

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“…Partible paternity may also serve as a form of bethedging by males by dividing up potential paternity and investment across a wider number of offspring. Also, men may share their wives to formalize male alliances, analogous to wife exchange in other parts of the world (e.g., Inuit and Pagan Gaddang) (19,20).…”

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confidence: 99%

Evolutionary history of partible paternity in lowland South America

Walker

Flinn

Hill

2010

Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.

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Partible paternity, the conception belief that more than one man can contribute to the formation of a fetus, is common in lowland South America and characterized by nonexclusive mating relationships and various institutionalized forms of recognition and investment by multiple cofathers. Previous work has emphasized the fitness benefits for women where partible paternity beliefs facilitate paternal investment from multiple men and may reduce the risk of infanticide. In this comparative study of 128 lowland South American societies, the prevalence of partible paternity beliefs may be as much as two times as common as biologically correct beliefs in singular paternity. Partible paternity beliefs are nearly ubiquitous in four large language families—Carib, Pano, Tupi, and Macro-Je. Phylogenetic reconstruction suggests that partible paternity evolved deep in Amazonian prehistory at the root of a tentative Je-Carib-Tupi clade. Partible paternity often occurs with uxorilocal postmarital residence (males transfer), although there are exceptions. Partible paternity may have benefits for both sexes, especially in societies where essentially all offspring are said to have multiple fathers. Despite a decrease in paternity certainty, at least some men probably benefit (or mitigate costs) by increasing their number of extramarital partners, using sexual access to their wives to formalize male alliances, and/or sharing paternity with close kin.

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confidence: 99%

Evolutionary history of partible paternity in lowland South America

Walker

Flinn

Hill

2010

Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.

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“…59 Martin Luther was also among those who professed that women with impotent husbands could use a surrogate lover for procreation. 58 Similar practices of men using cuckoldry as a "cure" for impotence by enlisting friends or kinsmen to act as surrogate genitors have been recorded in many other cultures, including among Ngoni, 60 Bangwa, 61 Yoruba, 62 Pagan Gaddang, 63 and Igbo. 64 In all these cases men are using cuckoldry as a tool to secure their paternal status, reinforcing the superposition of the social father over the biological one for their own gain.…”

Section: Are Men Being Tricked?mentioning

confidence: 74%

“…81 Pagan Gadang in the Phillipines have one of the most formalized systems of spouse exchange called solyad. 63 Men arrange to exchange wives temporarily, which entails formal discussions with kin, payment of a collateral, and designated kin terms for children born through these unions. Children are recognized as the social and legitimate heirs of their mother's husband, but the biological child of the solyad partner.…”

Section: Social Reasons For Tolerating Cuckoldrymentioning

confidence: 99%

The cuckoldry conundrum

Scelza

2024

Evolutionary Anthropology

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Concerns about cuckoldry are a dominant theme in evolutionary studies of mating, frequently used to explain sex differences in reproductive strategies. However, studies in nonhuman species have shown that cuckoldry can be associated with important benefits. These insights have not been well integrated with the human literature, which continues to focus on anticuckoldry tactics and negative repercussions for men. I evaluate two key assumptions central to human models of cuckoldry: (1) men are being tricked into investing in nonbiological offspring and (2) investment in nonbiological offspring is wasted. The ethnographic data on fatherhood shows that the concepts of pater and genitor are complex and locally constructed ideas that often include explicit knowledge of extra‐pair paternity, countering the idea that nonpaternity results from trickery. Furthermore, rather than being a “waste,” paternity loss can be associated with important gains for men, helping to explain why men invest in nonbiological offspring.

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“…For one thing, it coexisted with a strict prohibition of female adultery, and so is not to be confused with the extramarital sexual relations allowed married women among the Dogon (Paulme 1940:377, cited in Pasternak, Ember andEmber 1997:169-70), Tlingit (Oberg 1934), or the polyandrous Todas and Nayar of India. By the same token, Nage affairs differed radically from practices reported for other Malayo-Polynesian speakers, for example, spouse exchange among the Gaddang of the Philippines (Wallace 1969(Wallace , 1970, the 'wife-exchange' and 'secondary mateship' attributed to the Marquesans (Suggs 1966:129), and the wife sharing of the Trukese. 17 Owing to their disapproval of a married woman's adultery, but also the way in which the symmetry of such arrangements contradicts the fundamental asymmetry of their marriage rules, spouse exchange would be unconscionable for Nage.…”

Section: Cross-cultural Comparisons and Conclusionmentioning

confidence: 93%

Public affairs; Institutionalized nonmarital sex in an eastern Indonesian society

Forth¹

2004

Bijdr taal land volkenkd

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Institutionalized nonmarital sex in an eastern Indonesian society A recent revival of anthropological interest in kinship has evidently extended even as f ar as such long-standing questions as the universality of 'marriage'. More particularly, Cai Hua (2001) has argued that marriage is encountered in all societies except one: the matrilineal Na or Moso of southern China, who ensure biological and social reproduction by way of impermanent sexual liaisons called 'visits'. Continuing in a universalist vein, Cai (2001:426) further claims that marriage and the Na arrangements, whereby a man and a woman meet solely for the purposes of sex, are mutually exclusive; in other words, that an institution of marriage precludes all other forms of institutionalized sexuality. The present essay controverts Cai's thesis in an especially telling way: it explores an eastern Indonesian society in which an approved and institutionalized form of temporary sexual relationship exists (or until recently existed) not only in tandem with marriage, but also with affinal alliance, a system in which marriage and marital sexuality form an essential part of connections between structural groups, and which has usually been conceived as entailing a marriage prescription (Forth 1993:96-7). Insofar as it provides an alternative means of social as well as biological reproduction, the Indonesian institution also bears significantly on continuing theoretical debate in anthropology regarding such analytical categories as descent, filiation, and social kinship. Drawing on accounts of numerous informants I have known during a series of visits to Indonesia over a period of twenty years, in what follows I describe a form of premarital or extramarital sexual relationship among the Nage and Keo of the island of Flores. The relationship involves young unmarried women regularly and openly becoming temporarily attached to men-either married or unmarried-for the purposes of sex. Nage and Keo GREGORY FORTH is Professor and Associate Chair in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Alberta and holds a doctorate from the University of Oxford. Having a special interest in kinship and marriage, religion, symbolism and ethnobiology, he is the author of Beneath the

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Pagan Gaddang Spouse Exchange

Cited by 5 publications

References 1 publication

Evolutionary history of partible paternity in lowland South America

Evolutionary history of partible paternity in lowland South America

The cuckoldry conundrum

Public affairs; Institutionalized nonmarital sex in an eastern Indonesian society

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