Partidos políticos, preferência partidária e decisão eleitoral no Brasil (1989/2002)

Carreirão, Yan de Souza; Kinzo, Maria D'Alva Gil

doi:10.1590/s0011-52582004000100004

Cited by 79 publications

(37 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…They instead targeted any sender that could have been a potential voter. As illustrated in Table 2, those senders that did not clearly identify themselves as potential voters received on average 10% less answers: These results could reflect either the personalistic nature of Brazilian local elections (Nicolau, 2002;Carreirão and Kinzo, 2004;Carreirão, 2007), the smaller amount of votes required for election in small cities, or concerns regarding voters' turnout. Therefore, to shed additional light on the Brazilian case we present a multivariate analysis in Table 3 that controls pre-treatment covariates that might correlate with the answer rate.…”

Section: The Brazilian Case: Main Considerationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Mayors are chosen in single member districts, through a plurality system in cities with a population of less than 200,000 and a majoritarian run-off system in cities over that threshold. The Brazilian literature shows that politicians' personal reputation is key to shaping voters' preferences (Nicolau, 2002;Carreirão and Kinzo, 2004;Carreirão, 2007). Parties constantly struggle to establish themselves and retain a set of loyal supporters.…”

Section: The Experimental Design: the Brazilian Municipal Elections Omentioning

confidence: 99%

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Investigating elite behavior through field experiment in Brazil: do candidates answer more to core or swing voters?

Spada¹,

Guimarães

2013

Bras. Political Sci. Rev.

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Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing (ESPM), BrazilThis paper explores recent advances in experimental methodology to analyze elite behavior. Using an email experiment conducted in the context of the Brazilian 2008 municipal elections, we studied whether candidates target "swing" or "core" voters during campaigns. Candidates from all parties -1,000 candidates in all -were contacted by randomly generated citizens who identified themselves as either core or swing voters. Additionally, we randomized senders' past voting behavior and their gender. To identify the baseline answer rate, we employed a placebo treatment with no reference to the elections. Our results show that Brazilian candidates target any sender as long as she identifies herself as a potential voter. Within this general finding, models with city-specific fixed effects indicate that Brazilian politicians tend to target core voters. The paper contributes to the general experimental literature by providing an easily replicable design that can test the behavior of elite interaction with the public. At the same time, the paper extends the literature on core versus swing voters by providing an empirical test that can shed light on the effects of a specific political environment (type of election, voting rule, and party structure), and how it affects the relationship between candidates and voters during elections.

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Section: The Brazilian Case: Main Considerationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Experimental Design: the Brazilian Municipal Elections Omentioning

confidence: 99%

Investigating elite behavior through field experiment in Brazil: do candidates answer more to core or swing voters?

Spada¹,

Guimarães

2013

Bras. Political Sci. Rev.

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“…Do mesmo modo, enquanto no Brasil, a identificação partidária costuma ser maior entre os eleitores de mais alta escolaridade, o aumento considerável, nas últimas quatro décadas, do nível educacional de americanos e europeus, além da vertiginosa ampliação do acesso à informação via meios de comunicação, fizeram com que as novas gerações aumentassem sua capacidade de lidar com a complexidade das questões políticas, sem a necessidade de utilizar as identidades partidárias como "atalhos" na tomada de decisão eleitoral (Carreirão;Kinzo, 2004, p. 135).…”

Section: Mídia E Política Na Chamada "Democracia De Público"unclassified

A retórica da intransigência brasileira: mídia e política no primeiro governo de Lula

Menezes¹

2009

Civitas, Rev. Ciênc. Soc. (Online)

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Resumo: Neste artigo procuram-se as três teses propostas por Albert Hirschman -ameaça, perversidade e futilidade -, em "Retórica da intransigência", no discurso das lideranças da Câmara dos Deputados dos dois principais partidos de oposição (PSDB e PFL) e no discurso da mídia, representada aqui pela revista Veja, durante o primeiro governo Lula. Em relação à tese predominante nos dois tipos de discursos, oposição e mídia utilizam os mesmos argumentos relativos à ameaça que 1) os meios de comunicação estariam sofrendo com o caso da expulsão do correspondente do New York Times, o Conselho Federal de Jornalismo e a Ancinav e 2) a propriedade privada e a democracia estariam sofrendo com o MST, movimento social que receberia financiamento do governo e contaria com sua simpatia. Por vezes, citam o discurso do outro como fonte. Quanto às teses menos significativas, relativas aos programas sociais do governo (Fome Zero, Bolsa Família, política de cotas), no entanto, utilizam argumentos diferentes, já que se a mídia assumisse o discurso da oposição deixaria de simplesmente fazer oposição ao governo Lula para se tornar realmente partidária, e a oposição se assumisse o discurso da mídia deixaria de defender as conquistas anteriores do governo dos seus partidos.Palavras-chave: Comunicação; Política; Discurso; Partidos; Mídia Abstract: This article attempts to the three theses proposed by Albert Hirschmanthreat, perversity and futility -, in "Rhetoric of intransigence", in the speech of the leaders of the Chamber of Deputies of the two main opposition parties (PSDB and PFL) and the discourse of media, represented here by the magazine Veja, during the first Lula government. Regarding the predominant thesis in the two types of speech, opposition and media use the same arguments concerning the threat that 1) the media are suffering with the case of expulsion from the New York Times correspondent, the Federal Council of Journalism and Ancinav and 2) private property and democracy would suffer with the MST, social movement that receive funding from the government and count on your sympathy. Sometimes, the speech of one is used as source of the other. As for the thesis less significant, on the social programs of government (Fome Zero, Bolsa Família, policy of quotas), however, different arguments are used, because if the media take the discourse of the opposition, it would really become another party, and if opposition take the speech of the media, it would no longer defend the achievements of the previous government of their parties.

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“…No que respeita ao sistema partidário brasileiro, há divergências entre os que apontam baixa influência das preferências partidárias sobre o voto (MENEGUELLO, 1995;SILVEIRA, 1998, PAIVA et al, 2007, entre outros) e os que apontam na direção oposta ou matizam aquelas conclusões (BALBACHEVSKI, 1992;KINZO, 1992;CASTRO, 1994;SINGER, 2000;CARREIRÃO e KINZO, 2004;CARREIRÃO e BARBETTA, 2004;CARREIRÃO, 2007;NICOLAU, 2007) 5 .…”

Section: Revisão Da Literaturaunclassified

Opiniões políticas e sentimentos partidários dos eleitores brasileiros

Carreirão

2008

Opin. Publica

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Resumo: Este artigo tem como foco central as opiniões políticas dos eleitores brasileiros que manifestam sentimentos em relação aos partidos políticos e o objetivo principal é verificar se há algum tipo de "estrutura" nas suas opiniões políticas, bem como as possíveis variações ao longo do tempo. Os dados proveêm de quatro surveys nacionais realizados em diferentes momentos: 1990, 1997, 2002 e 2007. A análise mostra que as opiniões políticas dos eleitores que manifestam sentimentos por diferentes partidos são mais diferenciadas entre si no início do que ao final do período aqui estudado, o que parece se dever, em boa parte, aos sinais emitidos pelos partidos, de maior indiferenciação entre si ao final do período.Palavras-chave: sentimentos partidários; opiniões políticas; partidos políticos; ideologia; representação.Abstract: This article focuses on the political opinions of the Brazilian voters who express partisan feelings. The main goal is to verify if there is a structure in the political opinion of these voters which manifest partisan feelings and if there is variation along time as regards these opinions. The analysis is carried out based on four national surveys applied in different moments: 1990, 1997, 2002 and 2007. The analysis reveals that the opinions of the voters who express feelings for different parties were more differentiated at the beginning of the period established for the present study than at the end of this same period. This seems to be the reflect, in part, of the signals issued by the parties which hold smaller differentiation between each other at the end of the period.

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Partidos políticos, preferência partidária e decisão eleitoral no Brasil (1989/2002)

Cited by 79 publications

References 5 publications

Investigating elite behavior through field experiment in Brazil: do candidates answer more to core or swing voters?

Investigating elite behavior through field experiment in Brazil: do candidates answer more to core or swing voters?

A retórica da intransigência brasileira: mídia e política no primeiro governo de Lula

Opiniões políticas e sentimentos partidários dos eleitores brasileiros

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