Party system erosion: Evidence from Peru

Abstract

Weakly institutionalized party systems are a defining feature of third-wave democracies. Yet, in some countries like Peru, party weakness is not a static equilibrium but rather part of a dynamic process of “party system erosion” in which weak parties become weaker over time as independents come to dominate subnational posts. As I argue, party system erosion is driven by a particular configuration of institutional factors—weak party brands, ease of ballot access, and limited partisan control over resource distribution. These institutional features increase the likelihood that experienced candidates will run as independents. When these candidates are elected, they obtain more intergovernmental discretionary transfers, which are used to improve performance and maintain clientelistic networks. This resource advantage of independent officials further weakens party brands and reduces experienced candidates’ incentives to run with parties in future elections. I test this theory using a data set of 80,000 subnational officials and a regression discontinuity design.

The pension system in Peru: Parallels and intersections

“…Escalating tension and pressure from insurgents and the armed forces repressed grassroots activism that was in support of outsiders and marginalized populations. Since Fujimori's authoritarian regime in 1990, political parties have failed to fill this void (Carter, 2018;Durand, 1996). Thus, the Peruvian political scene in the last three decades has been marked, with a few exceptions, by a lack of social mobilization to demand the expansion of social protection, and by the erosion of the party system.…”

Party change and electoral performance: assessing the impact of intraparty conflict on the Democrat and Hanura parties

“…A global trend denotes a weak institutionalization of political parties in numerous third-wave democracies such as in Eastern Europe (Mainwaring & Maxwell, 1999), Latin America (Carter, 2018;Levitsky et al, 2016), and Southeast Asia (Hicken & Kuhonta, 2014). Most Indonesian political parties have also suffered from this trend (Choi, 2010;Hamayotsu, 2011).…”