In this chapter, we argue that research on intermediate-scale socio-spatial units can benefit from collective action theory. Accordingly, we posit that institutions developed to promote cooperation help shape urban landscapes. A cross-cultural sample of 30 premodern states from East Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, Africa, Europe, Mesoamerica, and South America is used to evaluate this hypothesis. The results indicate that highly collective cities tended to be large and dense with public investment in road networks, canal systems, public drinking water, and uniform administrative wards (neighborhoods) centered on public buildings or spaces. In cases with lower collectivity, centralized investment in public goods tended to be comparatively lower. Cities varied from dispersed, low-density settlements to disordered, large, dense aggregations. In the dense settlements, some residents organized at the neighborhood scale to solve collective action problems associated with public goods supplies, whereas others did not. In dispersed urban landscapes, neither the state nor local social groups organized to solve collective action problems. In low-collectivity cases, other factors such as patron-client relationships, forced resettlement, kinship, etc. predominate. Thus, we conclude that archaeological analysis of urban landscapes can provide information on the political-economic strategies employed by the state and other members of society.
[Neighborhoods, Collective Action, Institutions, Cities, Public Goods]The waterhole conceptually defines the community by creating a portal to the spiritual world through which water users communicate with ancestral deities and thereby reaffirm the group's origins and social bonds. The waterhole morally defines the community by outlining rules of proper usage and behavior. The applicability of this model for investigating Classic Maya water management can therefore be found, not in environmental similarities, but rather in the focus on community, which underscores the importance of conceptualizations of the landscape for social organization. (Davis-Salazar 2003, 281-82) Rules . . . require enforcement to be effective; but much theoretical work overlooks the enforcement aspect by assuming that decision makers take only lawful actions. (Kiser and Ostrom 2000, 65) W e think an understanding of human cooperation and institution building can bring much to archaeological approaches to intermediate socio-spatial units (e.g., neighborhoods and communities). This is the case because institution building to solve problems associated with