Pathways of post-conflict violence in Colombia

Albarracín, Juan Diego Hernández; Corredor-Garcia, Juan; Milanese, Juan Pablo; Valencia, Inge Helena; Wolff, Jonas

doi:10.1080/09592318.2022.2114244

Cited by 11 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Colombian government officials have blamed criminal groups and economies for the wave of targeted assassinations of activists and local leaders since 2016 (Albarracín et al 2022). This follows both a historical and global trend of governments diffusing blame when activists are killed in conflict zones.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Data on the assassination of social leaders was collected in 2021 from Datasketch, a website that compiles reports from various human rights and media organizations in Colombia. While observers noted that the targeting of social leaders constituted a serious problem to Colombian civil society throughout the country's armed conflict, organizations across the country only systematically began collecting data and coding assassinations of social leaders as a specific category of violence after the 2016 Colombian peace agreement with the FARC (Albarracín et al 2022).…”

Section: Panel Data Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

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State for Hire: Corporate-state security contracts in extractive zones

Gillooly,

Shenk

2024

Preprint

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Activists and NGOs have long accused extractive companies and state security forces of colluding to suppress opposition to extractive projects, often via means of violence, sabotage, or repression around the world. Evidence of this practice, however, is harder to come by. This article investigates these linkages directly, using original data of contracts signed between various branches of the Colombian armed forces and judiciary bodies with extractive companies around issues of security. In its essence, these contracts allow private companies to contract out sectors or branches of the Colombian government to protect private installations or project infrastructure throughout the country. Our data sheds light on these specter-like agreements, and proves that the relationship between state forces and private companies can and are formalized. This allows us to directly observe what types of conditions might make their presence more probable and explore potential effects.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Panel Data Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

State for Hire: Corporate-state security contracts in extractive zones

Gillooly,

Shenk

2024

Preprint

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“…Indeed, data from Colombia's recent past demonstrates that ex‐combatants often live a precarious existence that may be perceived as dangerous or unstable by others (Albarracin et al. 2022a, 2022b; Kaplan and Nussio 2018). Hypothesis 3 : Individuals who live in neighborhoods they perceive as unsafe will be less likely to trust former combatants. …”

Section: Argument: Fear Familiarity and The Reintegration Of Former C...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Trust of demobilized combatants: Overcoming fear or becoming familiar?

Meernik¹,

Esparza

Duncan

et al. 2023

Social Science Quarterly

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Background One critical challenge facing postconflict societies concerns the reintegration of former combatants as productive members of society. Public trust in the legitimacy of a peace agreement is a critical component of rebuilding the economic and social foundations of a war‐torn nation. Objectives We argue that the levels of trust of former combatants and confidence in their effective demobilization depend on two critical features of the postconflict environment: fears of insecurity and community engagement. Method We focus our analysis on Colombia and utilize data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project to create a multivariate time‐series analysis of public trust in two groups—leftist rebels and rightist paramilitaries. Results We find that both the fear of former combatants and the level of engagement individuals have in their communities help predict respondent attitudes about trust in former combatants and reintegration. Conclusion Fear and familiarity are key determinants in reintegration of former combatants.

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“…Furthermore, in these peripheral territories, the inability of state institutions to regulate the life of local populations, as well as the presence of illegal armed groups, is not however necessarily related to the prevalence of chaos and disorder. On the contrary, the literature has widely shown that local orders are developed in these areas that exceed the governing capacity of the state (Uribe, 1999; Mampilly, 2011; Arjona et al, 2015; Péclard and Mechoulan, 2015; Arjona, 2016; Gutiérrez, 2019; Albarracín et al, 2022). In this way, different forms of rebel governance have been built depending on the plurality of actors, their purposes and the contexts (Gutiérrez, 2018).…”

Section: Construction Of Local Orders and Peasant Agencies In The War...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Peasant Agency and Local Orders in Post‐Agreement Colombian Marginalised Regions

Valencia

Orozco

Ojeda

2023

Bull Latin American Res

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With the implementation of the Final Peace Agreement in Colombia, in particular with the Programas de Desarrollo con Enfoque Territorial (PDETs, Development Programmes with a Territorial Focus), Colombia has been characterised by the development of differentiated processes of state construction, configuration of the armed conflict and territorial transformations. However, from being one of the great promises of peace, the PDETs have become instead an element of conflict by not including community governance initiatives in their implementation, nor have they recognised the legacies of rebel governance in marginalised regions, as occurs in Argelia (Cauca) and in Pradera (Valle del Cauca), Colombia.

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Pathways of post-conflict violence in Colombia

Cited by 11 publications

References 27 publications

State for Hire: Corporate-state security contracts in extractive zones

State for Hire: Corporate-state security contracts in extractive zones

Trust of demobilized combatants: Overcoming fear or becoming familiar?

Peasant Agency and Local Orders in Post‐Agreement Colombian Marginalised Regions

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