Phonology and Morphotonemics of Ayutla Mixtec

Pankratz, Leo; Pike, Eunice V.

doi:10.1086/464980

Cited by 40 publications

(29 citation statements)

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“…Pankratz & Pike (1967) analyse Ayutla dialect as having tone-dependent stress, as in (25) (wording from Mortensen 2005). Pankratz & Pike (1967) analyse Ayutla dialect as having tone-dependent stress, as in (25) (wording from Mortensen 2005).…”

Section: Phoneticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Word-prosodic typology

2006

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Numerous proposals have been advanced as to how prosodic systems should be typologised. In this paper I distinguish two prototype systems, tone and stress accent, which, unlike systems analysed as ' pitch accent', have two inviolable, definitional properties : (i) obligatoriness (every word has at least one stress accent) ; (ii) syllable-dependency (the stress-bearing unit is necessarily the syllable). In contrast, the oft-cited criterion of culminativity (every word has at most one tone/accent) not only includes tone/accent systems that are neither obligatory nor syllable-dependent, but also culminative non-prosodic features that are clearly not accentual. I argue that there is no one pitch-accent prototype. Instead, since tone and stress accent may co-occur, and since languages may ' pick and choose ' between the non-definitional properties that tend to cluster within the tone vs. stress-accent prototypes, there is a range of intermediate (and possibly indeterminate) word-prosodic systems which may or may not be best seen as ' types '. If stress is monarchic, and length oligarchic, we may say that tone is democratic. (Greenberg & Kaschube 1976 : 9) * This paper was first presented as an invited talk at the conference Between Stress and Tone (BeST). I would like to thank Bert Remijsen and Vincent van Heuven for the invitation and those in attendance for their helpful comments. I have particularly profited from extended discussions with Carlos Gussenhoven and José Hualde on the tone vs. accent question and good Bantu exchanges with David Odden and Gérard Philippson. I also would like to thank the editors and anonymous reviewers for their very thoughtful comments on the original manuscript.

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Section: Phoneticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Word-prosodic typology

2006

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“…A number of Mixtec languages have both overt stress and lexical tone. 4 Of these languages, Ayutla presents a particularly complex system of tonestress interaction (Pankratz & Pike 1967). Ayutla has three contrastive tones (H, M, L), and every syllable bears one and only one tone.…”

Section: Descriptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The interaction of tone and stress in Optimality Theory

Lacy

2002

Phonology

142

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This paper examines the relationship between tone and prosodic positions. I show that prosodic heads prefer higher tone over lower tone, while non-heads exhibit the opposite preference. These generalisations are expressed within Optimality Theory as a family of constraints in a fixed ranking. One set regulates the relation of tone to heads : *H\L *H\M *H\H ; the other deals with tone on nonheads : *N-H\H *N-H\M *N-H\L. These constraints are used to account for the stress system of Ayutla Mixtec : in this language, stress is attracted to a syllable based on its tonal content, but is also influenced by the posttonic syllable's tone. The implications of the theory for other tone-stress interactions-metrically influenced tone placement and neutralisation-are also examined. * I wish to thank John McCarthy, Lisa Selkirk, three anonymous reviewers and the associate editor, who offered many constructive suggestions for improvement. I am also grateful to John Kingston, Alan Prince, Keren Rice and Moira Yip for their comments on various manifestations of this work. For guidance related to the languages discussed, I thank Lee Bickmore, Barbara Hollenbach, Inga McKendry and Ken Pike. 1 In (1) and elsewhere the numbers of parentheses give the page and column in Pankratz & Pike (1967) from which the form is taken. 2 It is quite possible that the Tonal Prominence scale is a total order of all possible heights, which may number as many as six (Odden 1995 : 453ff). The examples I have collected only provide evidence for three tone-height distinctions in relation to stress (see § §3 and 6), so a conservative form of the hierarchy is used here. I am preceded in proposing a tonal hierarchy by Jiang-King (1996 : 99), who offers the hierarchy [jupper] [kraised]. I will show that more than a two-step tonal hierarchy is needed (see §3). 3 This proposal is analogous to Clements' (1997) for sonority-syllable constraints. Constraints against the least marked tone-head combinations would also have an undesirable typological effect. They would allow systems in which foot heads cannot bear tone while non-heads can : *H\H F(Tone) *N-H\H, where F(Tone) is some faithfulness constraint that preserves input tone. I know of no such system, while the opposite type of system-one where tone is only specified on heads-does exist (e.g. Yip 2001). 'phõ:mí phõ:'mí (33) Tone-driven stress in Tibetan a. b.

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“…For material on the phonology of some of the other dialects of Mixtee, see Bradley [1970]. Hunter and Pike [1969], Pankratz and Pike [1967], Pike and Cowan [1967]. Pike and Small [1974].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Stress and Tone in the Phonology of Diuxi Mixtec

Pike¹,

Oram²

1976

Phonetica

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Each word in Diuxi Mixtec has a stressed syllable which is marked by a long vowel. In addition to this stress, some words have a second stress. This second stress occurs only on the last syllable of the word and is marked by intensity and by allotones of both high and low tone. There is a contrast of high versus low tone, and there are allotones which occur in relation to the presence versus absence of word-final stress.

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Phonology and Morphotonemics of Ayutla Mixtec

Cited by 40 publications

References 0 publications

Word-prosodic typology

Word-prosodic typology

The interaction of tone and stress in Optimality Theory

Stress and Tone in the Phonology of Diuxi Mixtec

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