2005
DOI: 10.1177/00238309050480040301
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Pitch Accent Alignment in Romance: Primary and Secondary Associations with Metrical Structure

Abstract: The article describes the contrastive possibilities of alignment of high accents in three Romance varieties, namely, Central Catalan, Neapolitan Italian, and Pisa Italian. The Romance languages analyzed in this article provide crucial evidence that small differences in alignment in rising accents should be encoded phonologically. To account for such facts within the AM model, the article develops the notion of "phonological anchoring" as an extension of the concept of secondary association originally proposed … Show more

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Cited by 112 publications
(83 citation statements)
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“…For a tone target within a syllable with a long (bimoraic) vowel, their model provides the possible docking sites in 14: a tone can be linked with either edge of the syllable or of the moras within it (Prieto et al 2005:373ff.). (14) T Prieto et al 2005 andMorén &Zsiga 2006 expands the set of possible patterns of association, so that one mora offers two points of association rather than just one. Applied to Dinka, this enables us to represent the two falling tone patterns as in 15.…”
Section: 3mentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…For a tone target within a syllable with a long (bimoraic) vowel, their model provides the possible docking sites in 14: a tone can be linked with either edge of the syllable or of the moras within it (Prieto et al 2005:373ff.). (14) T Prieto et al 2005 andMorén &Zsiga 2006 expands the set of possible patterns of association, so that one mora offers two points of association rather than just one. Applied to Dinka, this enables us to represent the two falling tone patterns as in 15.…”
Section: 3mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This consideration is also part of the argument against a representation with reference to mora edges, which allows for three or more levels of contrast (e.g. Prieto et al 2005). Finally, the location of the category boundary in Dinka, within the first 30 ms of the vowel, is in line with the model of House 1990.…”
mentioning
confidence: 94%
“…The sample utterances are the broad focus utterances li venen mandarines [li «bEn´m m´n5 d´»Rin´s] (Catalan) and le venden mandarinas [le «ben5 den man5 da»Rinas] (Spanish) 'They sell tangerines to him/her'. Following the proposal by Prieto, D'Imperio and Gili-Fivela (2005), the tonal transcription of the utterance would correspond to one prenuclear accent L+>H* followed by the nuclear accent !H* and by the boundary tone L%. 4 The lack of systematic alignment between H and the end of the word was attested by inspecting the target utterances.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Work by Prieto et al (2005), Morén andZsiga (2006), andRemijsen (2013) shows analyses of languages (with and without lexical tone) where a tone can be linked with either edge of the tone-bearing unit, thus distinguishing the same tonal sequence through alignment differences. Kristoffersen (2000) interprets similar results for East Norwegian as the L tone in accent 1, and the H tone in accent 2, linking with the Effect of Focus and Position on Norwegian Accent stressed syllable.…”
Section: Describing the Accent Contoursmentioning
confidence: 99%