Playing Favorites: Public Attitudes toward Race-and Gender-Targeted Anti-discrimination Policy

Strolovitch, Dara Z.

doi:10.2979/nws.1998.10.3.27

Cited by 29 publications

(36 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Mounting evidence shows that women are more liberal than men. Not only are women more likely than men to support a host of gender equality policies such as fair pay, parental leave and child care subsidies, access to birth control, and protection from job discrimination in hiring and promotion (Barnes and Córdova 2016;Cassese and Barnes 2016;Cassese, Barnes, and Branton 2015;Deckman and McTague 2015;Strolovitch 1998) but policy preferences also diverge across a wide range of issues that are not explicitly gendered. For instance, women are more liberal on issues of social welfare, morality, and government use of force (Huddy, Cassese, and Lizotte 2008;Kaufmann 2002Kaufmann , 2006Shapiro and Mahajan 1986).…”

Section: Gender Gaps In Public Opinion and Partisanshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

American Party Women

Barnes

Cassese

2016

Political Research Quarterly

114

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ArticleTraditionally, women were more politically conservative than men. Yet, in the early 1980s, women began realigning, shifting to the left of men and reversing the gender gap in developed democracies across the globe (BoxSteffensmeier, De Boef, and Lin 2004;Inglehart and Norris 2003). Today, women in the United States are more likely to identify with the Democratic Party, vote for Democratic Party candidates, and hold liberal positions on social issues. Although scholars have devoted considerable attention to understanding the gender gap in public opinion, existing research focuses almost exclusively on average differences between men and womenemphasizing women's liberal tendencies and defining women's political identity almost entirely in liberal terms. While women's greater average liberalism is well established empirically, approximately one in four women identify with the Republican Party-a figure that translates into millions of American women who buck this liberal trend (Deckman 2016). Because existing research has focused on average differences between men and women, we know little about sources of heterogeneity among women.Does the gender gap extend to the Republican Party, with Republican women holding more liberal views than their male counterparts? To date, most research about Republican women has focused on the elite level, investigating factors like party structure, activists and donors, conservative women's groups, and candidates for political office (Cooperman and Crowder-Meyer 2015;Thomsen 2015). Comparatively little research has considered the attitudes and issue preferences of Republican women in the electorate. 1 In recent years, the United States has seen a rise in high-profile Republican women running for office and the development of a conservative women's movement (Schreiber 2008(Schreiber , 2014. The surge in conservative appeals to women, coupled with the increased salience of and polarization on "women's issues"-for example, the Mommy Wars and the Republican War on Women-requires that scholars revisit the conventional wisdom about women's political identities.Building on the burgeoning body of research on partisan sorting, we develop expectations regarding the intersection between gender and party. Theories of partisan sorting suggest that women and men sort themselves into the party that best represents their views-such that the AbstractResearch on the gender gap in American politics has focused on average differences between male and female voters. This has led to an underdeveloped understanding of sources of heterogeneity among women and, in particular, a poor understanding of the political preferences of Republican women. We argue that although theories of ideological sorting suggest gender gaps should exist primarily between political parties, gender socialization theories contend that critical differences lie at the intersection of gender and party such that gender differences likely persist within political parties. Using survey data from the 2012 American National Election ...

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Section: Gender Gaps In Public Opinion and Partisanshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

American Party Women

Barnes

Cassese

2016

Political Research Quarterly

114

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“…Interest theories argue that individuals' attitudes about affirmative action are influenced by concerns about the potential costs and benefits of the policies to one's own level of privilege (Baunach 2002;Bobo 1988;Bobo and Kluegel 1993;Kluegel and Smith 1983;Strolovitch 1998;Tuch and Hughes 1996). Interest theories have devoted a good deal of attention to determining the locus of individuals' sense of privilege and whether it centers on their own individual interests or the interests of the status group to which they belong (Bobo 1998;Bobo and Kluegel 1993;Kluegel and Smith 1983;Sears and Funk 1991;Tuch and Hughes 1996).…”

Section: Self and Group Interestmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Focusing on self interest as the key motivating factor predicts that the degree of support for affirmative action policies will result from the perceived impact on individuals' own everyday lives including their family members' lives (Bobo 1998;Bobo and Kluegel 1993;Kluegel and Smith 1983). In contrast, focusing on group membership as the fundamental motivator suggests that individuals' level of support for affirmative action policies will result from their perceived effect on others whom they consider to be members of their in-group, irrespective of any perceived threat or boost to their individual lives (Baunach 2002;Bobo 1988;Dietz-Uhler and Murrell 1998;Strolovitch 1998, Tougas et al 1995.…”

Section: Self and Group Interestmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The measures used by researchers to indicate these concepts vary widely. Overall, greater beliefs in individualism and meritocracy are linked to opposing affirmative action policies (Baunach 2002;Garcia et al 2005;Strolovitch 1998). Several studies have used political conservativism as a proxy for belief in the importance of working hard to get ahead and have found that conservatives are less likely to support affirmative action policies than liberals (Sears et al 1997;Tuch and Hughes 1996).…”

Section: Other Factors Predictive Of Support For Gender-based Affirmamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Ethnoracial status is particularly important since research has found that African-Americans are more likely to support gender-based affirmative action that whites (Baunach 2002) and that African-Americans are more likely to support anti-discrimination policies more generally (Strolovitch 1998). Age is also a crucial factor to include in order to control for the possibility that younger generations show greater support for gender equity policies (Warner and Steel 1999).…”

Section: Other Factors Predictive Of Support For Gender-based Affirmamentioning

confidence: 99%

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Attitudes about Affirmative Action for Women: The Role of Children in Shaping Parents’ Interests

2010

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This paper uses pooled cross-sectional data from the 2000, 2004, and 2006, a nationally representative sample of the U.S. adult population, to assess how employed parents' attitudes about affirmative action for women are influenced by their children's gender. The analytic sample includes 1,695 employed respondents. Findings based on logistic regression indicate that having daughters (and no sons) magnifies employed mothers' support for affirmative action for women and minimizes employed fathers' support. Conversely, having sons (and no daughters) does not suppress mothers' support for affirmative action for women, nor does it differentiate men's attitudes about affirmative action. We speculate about how these patterns in parents' attitudes relate to self interest and group interest (i.e., their children's future work experiences).

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Welfare deservingness opinions from heuristic to measurable concept: The CARIN deservingness principles scale

Meuleman

Roosma

Abts

2020

Social Science Research

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A steadily growing number of studies investigate how popular support for social policies targeting particular groups is rooted in citizens' deservingness opinions. According to theory, people fall back on five criteria -Control, Attitude, Reciprocity, Identity and Need (CARIN) -to distinguish the deserving from the undeserving. Deservingness opinions are assumed to be important predictors of support for particular welfare arrangements. A striking feature of this emerging research, however, is that there is no agreed-upon strategy to measure deservingness. Most previous studies rely on proxy-variables rather than measuring the actual deservingness criteria. Deservingness functions as a heuristic rather than as a measured concept, which leads to conceptual confusion. To remedy this shortcoming, this contribution proposes and validates a new instrument -the CARIN deservingness principles scale-that captures the five basic deservingness principles. We analyse data from the Belgian National Election Study by means of structural equation modelling (SEM) to (1) test the dimensionality, validity and reliability of the scale, and (2) verify to what extent the five deservingness principles predict specific policy preferences (as a test of construct validity). Our analyses confirm that the five deservingness principles are distinct dimensions that are differently related to social structural variables and have divergent consequences for policy preferences. The finding of theoretically meaningful patterns of differentiated effects illustrates that the CARIN criteria represent distinct logics of social justice, and corroborates that our measurement instrument is capable of tapping into the essence of these criteria.

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Playing Favorites: Public Attitudes toward Race-and Gender-Targeted Anti-discrimination Policy

Cited by 29 publications

References 27 publications

American Party Women

American Party Women

Attitudes about Affirmative Action for Women: The Role of Children in Shaping Parents’ Interests

Welfare deservingness opinions from heuristic to measurable concept: The CARIN deservingness principles scale

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