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In the context of the cardinal aggravation of natural, economic and institutional factors of international instability, which became especially evident at the turn of the XX - XXI centuries, the problems of viability of the officially announced summer 2020 decision to create the "Lublin Triangle" as a platform for cooperation between Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine in the security, economic and cultural spheres. In essence, the institutional preconditions and genesis of the developments around the Union of Lublin during the second half of the XIVth - first two decades of the XXIst century and the economic potential of the "Lublin Triangle" in terms of the current European situation are analyzed. A principled approach to the events related to the Union of Lublin, which in the common consciousness is seen as a prototype of the "Lublin Triangle, in the scientific achievements and ideas of iconic figures of the political establishment of Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine. The approach is substantiated that the broad institutional and economic preconditions for the founding of the "Lublin Triangle" were laid much earlier: by the Union of Krewo in 1385 - the world's first interstate allied-unifying entity. It has been proved that in terms of potential domestic market volumes, gross domestic product level and trade turnover between Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine, the Lublin Triangle objectively has a high competitive position in the system of modern international division of labor within the European Union. In order to substantiate the competitiveness of the "Lublin Triangle" the most promising areas of economic cooperation between Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine at the interstate level and at the level of business entities have been identified on a sectoral basis, as well as prospects for further study of the problem.
In the context of the cardinal aggravation of natural, economic and institutional factors of international instability, which became especially evident at the turn of the XX - XXI centuries, the problems of viability of the officially announced summer 2020 decision to create the "Lublin Triangle" as a platform for cooperation between Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine in the security, economic and cultural spheres. In essence, the institutional preconditions and genesis of the developments around the Union of Lublin during the second half of the XIVth - first two decades of the XXIst century and the economic potential of the "Lublin Triangle" in terms of the current European situation are analyzed. A principled approach to the events related to the Union of Lublin, which in the common consciousness is seen as a prototype of the "Lublin Triangle, in the scientific achievements and ideas of iconic figures of the political establishment of Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine. The approach is substantiated that the broad institutional and economic preconditions for the founding of the "Lublin Triangle" were laid much earlier: by the Union of Krewo in 1385 - the world's first interstate allied-unifying entity. It has been proved that in terms of potential domestic market volumes, gross domestic product level and trade turnover between Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine, the Lublin Triangle objectively has a high competitive position in the system of modern international division of labor within the European Union. In order to substantiate the competitiveness of the "Lublin Triangle" the most promising areas of economic cooperation between Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine at the interstate level and at the level of business entities have been identified on a sectoral basis, as well as prospects for further study of the problem.
The generalizing analysis of modern pan-European disintegration tendencies, especially against the background of forecasted such new tendencies, necessitates the search for other determinants of reliable international cooperation and the formation of stable international organizations. The new Lublin Triangle platform, consisting of Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine, which was founded in 2020, could be one of the few international organizations. The greatest economic effect and a number of concomitant institutional advantages of cooperation between these countries can give in the transport and logistics sphere with the formation of the transport and logistics cluster "Lublin Triangle". Taking into account a number of institutional and technical-functional factors, Latvia and Estonia can also be full participants in the proposed cluster; in this case, the proposed cluster may be called, for example, the Baltic-Eastern European Transport and Logistics Cluster. The categorical definition of the definition of "transport and logistics cluster" is substantiated. It is a set of spatially defined entities of all types of transport, infrastructure of their modes of transport and engineering industries, as well as related enterprises, institutions and governing bodies, which operates on the basis of a network of hubs. . The innovative nature of the proposal is that in contrast to the existing approaches in domestic and foreign science, according to which transport and logistics clusters are considered only within certain regions of a country, in this case: the understanding of the cluster, provisions and procedures of the Trans-European Transport Network (TEN-T) policy on the basis of modern marketing management; the cluster itself is offered in the form of appropriate transport and logistics hubs. The article, in addition to identifying the definition of "transport and logistics cluster" highlights the parameters of the proposed cluster with the disclosure of their content; cluster functions are classified; the structure of the network of geographical location of hubs is given.
Within the framework of intercultural, interdisciplinary and inter-functional research, the content of the Russia-Ukraine war is identified as a war against global democracy and common European values. The thesis put forward that, being a civilisational threat, this war for a group of Central and Eastern Europe countries consisting of Poland, Ukraine, Slovakia, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, provides a historic opportunity to acquire a qualitatively new role in the system of the pan-European economy and politics. For scientific support in realising this opportunity, the necessity of synthesising the paradigmatic foundations of the theory of national business cultures and the theory of dispositional groups is substantiated; the content of the new approach in the characterisation of business cultures, taking into account the ‘security’ component, is revealed; a comparative analysis of the national business cultures of this group of countries is carried out in the context of the development of the FirstPolish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, J. Piłsudski’s idea of Intermarium and the political life of modern history. The overall potential of these countries and the priority areas of their cooperation are determinedStreszczenieW ramach badań międzykulturowych, interdyscyplinarnych i interfunkcjonalnych, istotę wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej przedstawia się jako wojnę przeciwko globalnej demokracji i wspólnym wartościom europejskim. Postawiono tezę, że wojna ta, będąc zagrożeniem cywilizacyjnym, dla grupy krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, w skład której wchodzą Polska, Ukraina, Słowacja, Litwa, Łotwa i Estonia, daje historyczną szansę na uzyskanie jakościowo nowej roli w systemie paneuropejskiej gospodarki i polityki. W celu naukowego wsparcia realizacji tej szansy uzasadniono konieczność syntezy paradygmatycznych podstaw teorii narodowych kultur biznesowych i teorii grup dyspozycyjnych; przedstawiono nowe podejście do charakterystyki kultur biznesowych, biorąc pod uwagę komponent bezpieczeństwa; przeprowadzono analizę porównawczą narodowych kultur biznesowych tej grupy krajów w kontekście rozwoju I Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów, idei Intermarium J. Piłsudskiego i życia politycznego w historii nowożytnej. Określono ogólny potencjał wymiwnionych krajów i priorytetowe obszary ich współpracyResumenEn el marco de una investigación intercultural, interdisciplinar e interfuncional, el contexto de la guerra ruso-ucraniana se identifica como una guerra contra la democracia global y los valores europeos comunes. La tesis parte de que, al constituir una amenaza civilizatoria, el conflicto ofrece al grupo de países de Europa Central y Oriental formado por Polonia, Ucrania, Eslovaquia, Lituania, Letonia y Estonia la oportunidad histórica de adquirir un papel cualitativamente nuevo en el sistema de la economía y la política paneuropeas. Con el fin de apoyar científicamente la realización de esta oportunidad, se justificó la necesidad de sintetizar los fundamentos paradigmáticos de la teoría de las culturas empresariales nacionales y la teoría de los grupos disposicionales; se reveló el contenido de un nuevo enfoque para la caracterización de las culturas empresariales, teniendo en cuenta el componente de “seguridad”; se llevó a cabo un análisis comparativo de las culturas empresariales nacionales de este grupo de países en el contexto del desarrollo de la Primera Mancomunidad de Polonia-Lituania, la idea del “Intermarium” planteada por J. Pilsudski y la vida política en la historia moderna. Se identificó el potencial global de estos países y las áreas prioritarias de su cooperaciónZusammenfassungIm Rahmen einer interkulturellen, -disziplinären und -funktionalen Forschung wird das Wesen des russisch- ukrainischen Krieges als ein Krieg gegen die globale Demokratie und die gemeinsamen europäischen Werte dargestellt. Es wird die These aufgestellt, dass dieser Krieg als eine Zivilisationsbedrohung für die Gruppe der mittel- und osteuropäischen Länder, wie Polen, Ukraine, Slowakei, Litauen, Lettland und Estland, eine historische Chance bietet, eine qualitativ neue Rolle im System der paneuropäischen Wirtschaft und Politik zu erlangen. Um die Verwirklichung dieser Chance wissenschaftlich zu begleiten, wurde die Notwendigkeit einer Synthese der paradigmatischen Grundlagen der Theorie der nationalen Geschäftskulturen und der Theorie der Dispositionsgruppen begründet; ein neuer Ansatz zur Charakterisierung von Geschäftskulturen unter Berücksichtigung der Sicherheitskomponente wurde vorgestellt; es wurde eine vergleichende Analyse der nationalen Geschäftskulturen der vorstehenden Ländergruppe im Kontext der Entwicklung des Ersten Polnisch-Litauischen Commonwealth, der Idee des Intermariums von J. Piłsudski und des politischen Lebens in der modernen Geschichte durchgeführt. Es wurden das Gesamtpotenzial der genannten Länder und die vorrangigen Bereiche ihrer Zusammenarbeit ermitteltРезюмеВ рамках межкультурного, междисциплинарного и межфункционального исследования рассматривается вопрос о сущности российско-украинской войны как войны против глобальной демократии и общеевропейских ценностей. При этом выдвигается тезис о том, что эта война, являясь цивилизационной угрозой, для группы стран Центральной и Восточной Европы, включающей Польшу, Украину, Словакию, Литву, Латвию и Эстонию, открывает исторический шанс на обретение качественно новой роли в системе общеевропейской экономики и политики. Для научного обоснования реализации данной возможности сформулирована необходимость синтеза парадигмаль- ных основ теории национальных деловых культур и теории диспозиционных групп; представлен новый подход к характеристике деловых культур с учетом компонента безопасности; проведен сравнительный анализ нацио- нальных деловых культур данной группы стран в контексте развития Первой Речи Посполитой, идеи Интермариума Ю. Пилсудского и политической жизни в новейшей истории. Определялся общий потенциал перечисленных стран и приоритетные направления их сотрудничества
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