Policing Mars or Venus? Comparing European and US approaches to police assistance

Heiduk, Felix

doi:10.1080/09662839.2011.605355

Cited by 6 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…It does so by focusing on what arguably represents the CSDP's raison d'être, namely the operations conducted in this framework. There has recently been a host of studies looking at particular operations, not least in the pages of this journal (Heiduk 2011, Riddervold 2011, Larivé 2012. The present article, by contrast, will look at such individual cases primarily for the purpose of illustrating a more generic argument about the drivers behind CSDP activism.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 91%

The logic underpinning EU crisis management operations

Pohl

2013

European Security

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The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) epitomises the EU's aspirations to be a key actor in global security. The logic underlying the policy, however, remains contentious. In order to elucidate the latter, this article compares the plausibility of different theoretical frameworks. It suggests that liberal IR theory offers considerable explanatory power in this respect, and argues that the decisive forces behind CSDP operations are governmental interests as defined by domestic expectations. European governments' shared interest lies in being perceived to effectively further national interests and domestically held values. Yet, this preoccupation with domestic politics also entails and explains CSDP's often-noted inconsistencies and constraints.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 91%

The logic underpinning EU crisis management operations

Pohl

2013

European Security

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“…However, with the UK's development of an integrated approach to international security during the Afghanistan campaign, based on the idea that military effort alone is unlikely to offer a durable solution to complex security challenges, military force has been accepted as a "last resort" to be used when civilian means of intervention are insufficient to deal with those challenges (Cabinet Office 2010, Department for International Development, Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Ministry of Defence 2011). In this understanding, the UK might prefer the EU's civilian-military instruments over NATO's predominantly military approaches in crisis management not due to pragmatic considerations but due to the "appropriateness" of the means of intervention (Heiduk 2011, Friesendorf 2013.…”

Section: Identitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although "strategic level advice" on civilian policing used to be an element that the UK distinctively associated with EUPOL, London now linked it to NTM-A's coordination role within MICC. Furthermore, IPCB, in which the UK has supported EUPOL's leadership, was regarded by the US as non-binding due to insufficient European efforts in police assistance (Heiduk 2011). There was reportedly a cross-governmental view in Whitehall to avoid any public perception of discord with the US in Afghanistan, which was the main supporter and commander nation of NTM-A (US Embassy London 2009).…”

Section: Emergence Of a Withdrawal Timelinementioning

confidence: 99%

Foreign policy decision-making in operational overlap: the UK’s policing assistance in Afghanistan through the EU and NATO

Çelik

2020

European Security

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Traditionally seen as an interlocutor between Europe and the US in transatlantic security relations, the UK's engagement with the training of the Afghan National Police (ANP) through the concurrent EU and NATO missions presents an interesting case of foreign policy decision-making. Although a logic based on broader British orientations about the roles of the two organisations expect that the UK's primary institution of choice would be NATO, London supported both missions in providing international policing assistance to Afghanistan. Adopting an operational overlap perspective, this article seeks to explain the UK's strategic behaviour vis-a-vis the EU and NATO training missions that have been simultaneously involved in overlapping tasks, despite the initial intention that the two missions would undertake different and complementary roles. Analysing evidence from the UK Parliament and Government, US diplomatic missions, the EU and NATO, as well as interviews with former UK and NATO officials, this article argues that while providing training to the Afghan police, London focused on these missions' practical outputs rather than preferring an organisation of choice as such. This strategy is mainly guided by the UK's concern to uphold counter-narcotics enforcement in Afghanistan and to fulfil transition tasks during the incremental withdrawal of British troops.

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“…Despite claims over rebuilding a democratic, civilian police force, various studies have illustrated that police assistance has increasingly become dominated by counterterrorism and/or counter-insurgency agendas with little attention on civilian, democratic policing (Friesendorf, 2011;Heiduk, 2011;Murray, 2007;Sedra, 2006). The militarization of the police in order to achieve short-term gains in the field of counter-insurgency has in turn had a negative impact on the image of the police in the eyes of the population.…”

Section: The Rise Of Policebuildingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rethinking ‘policebuilding’

Heiduk

2014

Cooperation and Conflict

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In recent years, policebuilding has moved centre stage in international security. Not only have the numbers of police officers deployed externally significantly increased in the last decade, but the police have also come to be regarded as key with regard to the stabilizing of weak or failed states. It is hereby assumed that the police, as a civilian force, are better trained and equipped to establish order and stability than the military. This article challenges such a military-police divide, according to which the police are understood to be a civilian institution that mainly 'serves and protects' while the military 'breaks things and kills people'. It argues that while the blurring between military functions and police functions might be more bleak and observable as part of international interventions in so-called zones of disorder, we need to understand the police theoretically as part of a single continuum of state institutions designed to simultaneously serve and protect the population and to establish and maintain liberal state power through (sometimes) forceful, exclusionary means. The article will illustrate this theoretical argument through a detailed analysis of the evolution of European Union international police power.

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Policing Mars or Venus? Comparing European and US approaches to police assistance

Cited by 6 publications

References 18 publications

The logic underpinning EU crisis management operations

The logic underpinning EU crisis management operations

Foreign policy decision-making in operational overlap: the UK’s policing assistance in Afghanistan through the EU and NATO

Rethinking ‘policebuilding’

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