2012
DOI: 10.1080/13698230.2012.733586
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Political rights, republican freedom, and temporary workers

Abstract: I defend a neo-republican account of the right to have political rights. Neo-republican freedom from domination is a sufficient condition for the extension of political rights not only for permanent residents, but also for temporary residents, unauthorized migrants, and some expatriates. I argue for the advantages of the neo-republican account over the social membership account, the affected-interest account, the stakeholder account, and accounts based on the justification of state coercion.

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Cited by 33 publications
(23 citation statements)
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“…There, political theorists are debating a variant of the issue that Ruhs and Martin () term the ‘numbers versus rights’ dilemma: since migrant labourers will probably never be given access to the same rights as citizens and residents, is it better to advocate shutting down TMW programmes than to continue subjecting enrollees to inevitable domination and exploitation? (see, inter alia , Carens ; Lenard and Strahle, ; Sager, ).…”
Section: Discussion and Suggestions For Reformmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…There, political theorists are debating a variant of the issue that Ruhs and Martin () term the ‘numbers versus rights’ dilemma: since migrant labourers will probably never be given access to the same rights as citizens and residents, is it better to advocate shutting down TMW programmes than to continue subjecting enrollees to inevitable domination and exploitation? (see, inter alia , Carens ; Lenard and Strahle, ; Sager, ).…”
Section: Discussion and Suggestions For Reformmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Ian Shapiro argues that 'if democracy is about structuring power relations so as to limit domination' then 'the claim to a democratic say in collective decisions, whether or not one is a citizen, rests on the causal principle of having a pertinent affected interest' (Shapiro 2003, p. 52). Others have challenged the view that the neo-republican conception of democracy requires inclusion of everyone affected (Owen 2012;Sager 2014). Owen (2012) explicitly challenges Shapiro's view, arguing that democratic inclusion is not the appropriate response to all instances of interference.…”
Section: The All-affected Principle and Non-dominationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In assessing the reasonableness of principles of democratic inclusion, we take into account recent debates on the all-affected principle and the all-subjected principle (Miller 2009;Näsström 2011;Erman 2014;Valentini 2014;Beckman 2008;Owen 2012). In assessing the fit with neo-republicanism, the picture is less clear-cut as previous writers make conflicting assumptions; some take for granted that freedom of non-domination calls for the inclusion of everyone affected (Schuppert 2014, p. 139;Benton 2014, p. 410), whereas others reason on the premise that only those subject to the state should be included in the neo-republican state (for example Sager 2014;Owen 2014, p. 98). Our position on democratic inclusion should be consistent with both general developments in democratic theory and the basic commitments of neo-republicanism.…”
mentioning
confidence: 98%
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“…This includes the all-affected principle (AAP) (Goodin 2007), the subjected to coercion principle (SCP) (Abizadeh 2008;, and the neo-republican principle (NRP) (Sager 2014). Although these principles constitute the ideal demos in different ways, we explicate that they all imply (rapid) enfranchisement of irregular immigrants.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%