Post-Industrial Lives: Roles and Relationships in the 21st Century

Hage, Jerald; Powers, Charles H.

doi:10.4135/9781483325828

Cited by 95 publications

(78 citation statements)

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“…Rather, we must also reckon with longer periods of initial training for new staff and higher training costs in the wake of the growing significance of nonroutine tasks (Autor et al 2003) and more complex occupational roles (Hage and Powers 1992). At the same time, the restructuring of company workforces to achieve greater flexibility (Kalleberg 2003) along with the introduction of new technologies is creating a situation where staff capacity is utilized to a higher degree, even to the point of overextending it (Green 2002).…”

Section: Increasing Training Requirements and Declining Training Capamentioning

confidence: 99%

Labour Market Prospects of Swiss Career Entrants after Completion of Vocational Education and Training

Salvisberg

Sacchi

2013

European Societies

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This study seeks to find the reasons for the rising risk of unemployment for people who have completed basic vocational education and training (VET) in Switzerland. We focus on the long-term structural shift on the demand side of the labour market and its consequences for new entrants' chances of employment in the labour force. A detailed analysis of the development of vacancies for such 'career entrants' in the time period 2001 to 2011 suggests that neither a growing occupational mismatch nor a general shift in the level of education to the disadvantage of workers with vocational education can be made responsible for the rising unemployment of labour market entrants. Instead, the available evidence indicates that a diminishing part of the vacancies suited for VET graduates remains open to entrants because of the increasing job requirements with regard to work experience and further education. Basic vocational education and training alone is increasingly less a guarantee for a smooth entry into the working world. Stefan Sacchi is senior researcher at the Swiss Youth Panel ′Transitions from Education to Employment′ (TREE, University of Basel) and at the ′Swiss Job Market Monitor′ (University of Zurich). His current research interests focus on the impact of institutional arrangements and labour market structures on educational and career mobility and social inequality. 1 Labour Market Prospects of Swiss Career Entrants after Completion of Vocational Education and Training AbstractThis study seeks to find the reasons for the rising risk of unemployment for people who have completed basic vocational education and training (VET) in Switzerland. We focus on the long-term structural shift on the demand side of the labour market and its consequences for new entrants' chances of employment in the labour force. A detailed analysis of the development of vacancies for such 'career entrants' in the time period 2001 to 2011 suggests that neither a growing occupational mismatch nor a general shift in the level of education to the disadvantage of workers with vocational education can be made responsible for the rising unemployment of labour market entrants. Instead, the available evidence indicates that a diminishing part of the vacancies suited for VET graduates remains open to entrants because of the increasing job requirements with regard to work experience and further education. Basic vocational education and training alone is increasingly less a guarantee for a smooth entry into the working world.

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Section: Increasing Training Requirements and Declining Training Capamentioning

confidence: 99%

Labour Market Prospects of Swiss Career Entrants after Completion of Vocational Education and Training

Salvisberg

Sacchi

2013

European Societies

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“…Inherent in complexity is the dilemma of co-ordination and co-operation, the need to build external linkages and control many discrete activities (Hage and Powell 1992;Hage and Alter, 1997). The extended theoretical framework shall be explored at the level of firms for four different types of external actors (universities/research labs, users, suppliers and competitors).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Patterns of Interactive Learning in a High-tech Region

Meeus

Oerlemans

Hage

2001

Organization Studies

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128

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in AbstractThis paper pursues the development of a theoretical framework that explains interactive learning between innovating firms and external actors in the public knowledge infrastructure and the production chain. Our research question is: Why do innovating firms engage in interactive learning? In our theoretical framework we augment the resource-based perspective predominant in network theory with an activity-based account and a structural account of interactive learning. We contend basically: that higher technological dynamics induce innovative activities with a higher complexity. More complex innovative activities increase the probability of internal resource deficits/shortages in the innovating firms. The higher the resource deficits/shortages and the lower the alignment of innovative activities the more likely the search for complementary resources externally, which induces higher levels of interactive learning.In order to test the generality of our theoretical claims we estimate four models predicting: 1) the level Our findings show that antecedents of patterns of interactive learning differ widely and are contingent upon the type of actors and sectoral technological dynamics. A highly differentiated pattern of interaction between the quality of the resource base and the complexity of innovative activities was found.3

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“…However, high-tech industries employing workers from a similar demographic background in a production capacity have neither received the same level of union attention nor benefited from extensive union organizing success. As the most rapidly growing industry in US manufacturing, high-tech industries, according to Hage and Powers (1992), epitomizes the future of US manufacturing in the 21st century. For example, in the 1990s, former President Clinton favored the establishment of an industrial policy for retaining high-tech industries and stated that these industries will help the United States move toward the development of a stronger economy while obtaining world technological leadership (Abate, 1993;Kadetsky, 1993).…”

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confidence: 99%

High-Tech Production Workers’ Fear of Unionizing: A Wheeler–McClendon Model Analysis of a Union Organizing Campaign at a US Medical Electronics Factory

Devinatz

2005

Employ Respons Rights J

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Using the framework of the Wheeler and McClendon (1991) theory of employee support for unionization, the purpose of this article is to examine an unsuccessful unionization drive in a US medical electronics factory that the author took part in while working as a production worker during 1983 in order to gain insight into why unionization is so difficult to promote among production workers in high-tech industry. I argue that high-tech companies take advantage of the inherent fear in production employees to organize in order to defeat unionization campaigns. That is, they negatively affect employee support for unionization through the development of inhibiting conditions of the emotional path of the WheelerMcClendon theory to prevent unionization. The use of this widespread strategy is crucial for understanding such low rates of unionization in this industry.KEY WORDS: union organizing; managerial opposition; high-tech industry.With the decades-long decline in collective bargaining coverage in the United States, from a union density of approximately 37% in 1946 to little over a third of that nearly 60 years later, union organizing in the late 20th/early 21st centuries has been correctly viewed as an integral route not only for the revitalization, but also for the mere survival of the US labor movement. While the number of union members continued to increase throughout the 1970s, union density continued to spiral downward as labor organizations were unable to recruit new members as fast as the labor force was expanding. By 1980, at 21%, union density was less than 60% of its post-World War II peak; by 1995, it had fallen below 15% (Bronfenbrenner et al., 1998). In October 1995, John Sweeney won the first contested election for the presidency of the AFL-CIO in which he promised to reinvigorate union organizing on a massive scale. Shortly after taking office, he followed through with this promise by investing $ 20 million "to support coordinated large-scale industry-based organizing drives" (p. 1). And the following summer, the AFL-CIO sent more than 1000 college students and young workers into the field to help with unionization drives across the country.

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Post-Industrial Lives: Roles and Relationships in the 21st Century

Cited by 95 publications

References 0 publications

Labour Market Prospects of Swiss Career Entrants after Completion of Vocational Education and Training

Labour Market Prospects of Swiss Career Entrants after Completion of Vocational Education and Training

Patterns of Interactive Learning in a High-tech Region

High-Tech Production Workers’ Fear of Unionizing: A Wheeler–McClendon Model Analysis of a Union Organizing Campaign at a US Medical Electronics Factory

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