2011
DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1105604108
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Punishment sustains large-scale cooperation in prestate warfare

Abstract: Understanding cooperation and punishment in small-scale societies is crucial for explaining the origins of human cooperation. We studied warfare among the Turkana, a politically uncentralized, egalitarian, nomadic pastoral society in East Africa. Based on a representative sample of 88 recent raids, we show that the Turkana sustain costly cooperation in combat at a remarkably large scale, at least in part, through punishment of free-riders. Raiding parties comprised several hundred warriors and participants are… Show more

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Cited by 321 publications
(311 citation statements)
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“…They can also be defensive, as when group members form a coalition to repel single challengers and/or an out-group coalition (e.g., Feh, 1999). Group-wide coalitions can be very large (e.g., average size in chimpanzees: 13, hyenas: 14, Smith et al, 2010; human band and tribal level raiding parties range from 10 to 100: Mathew & Boyd, 2011;Walker & Bailey, 2013), in contrast to within-group coalitions, which often involve only two or three partners (reviewed by Smith et al, 2010). It seems likely that group-wide coalition formation provides the only context in which the opposing parties are not mutually dependent on each other (except in dolphins and especially humans, where interdependence extends beyond the level of the group, e.g., Connor et al, 2001;Walker et al, 2011): they usually occur in a clear and unambiguous competitive context and thus are predictably hostile, in contrast to the interactions that occur within groups (Connor et al, 1992;Harcourt, 1992;see below).…”
Section: A Brief Primer On Coalition Formationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They can also be defensive, as when group members form a coalition to repel single challengers and/or an out-group coalition (e.g., Feh, 1999). Group-wide coalitions can be very large (e.g., average size in chimpanzees: 13, hyenas: 14, Smith et al, 2010; human band and tribal level raiding parties range from 10 to 100: Mathew & Boyd, 2011;Walker & Bailey, 2013), in contrast to within-group coalitions, which often involve only two or three partners (reviewed by Smith et al, 2010). It seems likely that group-wide coalition formation provides the only context in which the opposing parties are not mutually dependent on each other (except in dolphins and especially humans, where interdependence extends beyond the level of the group, e.g., Connor et al, 2001;Walker et al, 2011): they usually occur in a clear and unambiguous competitive context and thus are predictably hostile, in contrast to the interactions that occur within groups (Connor et al, 1992;Harcourt, 1992;see below).…”
Section: A Brief Primer On Coalition Formationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The capacity to cooperate in large groups with non-relatives has enabled humans to develop markets and trade networks, wage war, build public works and create social institutions. Human cooperation is regulated by social norms that establish standards for how people should behave in particular situations [1,2], and strengthened by punitive sanctions against those that violate social norms [3][4][5]. Cooperation is also supported by prosocial emotions, such as compassion and guilt, and altruistic social preferences, including a concern for the welfare of others and a preference for equity, which mediate conflicts between self-interest and altruism [6,7].…”
Section: Explanations Of Human Cooperation and Social Preferencesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In the anthropological literature, the existence of the CAP in between-group conflicts [24][25][26] as well as in hunting and other types of collective production [27][28][29] is also well acknowledged. In particular, the facts that foragers apparently have 'limited needs' and that their work efforts are surprisingly modest have been linked to their culture of sharing, which makes food and other objects public goods [27,30].…”
Section: (A) Review Goalsmentioning
confidence: 99%