Race, resources, and representation: Evidence from Brazilian politicians

Bueno, Natália S.; Noble, Michael; Dunning, Thad

doi:10.35188/unu-wider/2016/188-8

Cited by 9 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…1 These inequalities have narrowed to some extent since 2000, thanks in large part to the mobilization of Afro-Brazilian communities, yet racial inequalities in particular remain quite large (e.g., Andrews 2014; Salardi 2013). Moreover, there are very large gaps in women's and Afro-Brazilians' representation in elected office (Boas and Smith 2016;Bueno and Dunning 2014;Htun 2002;Jalalzai and dos Santos 2015). Inequalities may be especially large for two intersectionally defined groups: Afro-Brazilian women are disadvantaged in a great variety of outcomes and can be targets of police violence (Bernardino-Costa 2014; Marcondes et al 2013; Rezende and Lima 2004;Smith 2014), and racial disparities are larger among the middle to upper classes and those with a university education (Bailey et al 2013;Cacciamala and Hirata 2005;Osório 2008;Ribeiro 2006;Santos 2005;Telles 2004).…”

Section: Perceiving Race Class and Gender Discrimination In Brazilmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is It Race, Class, or Gender? The Sources of Perceived Discrimination in Brazil

Layton¹,

Smith²

2017

Lat. Am. polit. soc.

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Observers have long noted Brazil's distinctive racial politics: the coexistence of relatively integrated race relations and a national ideology of "racial democracy" with deep social inequalities along color lines. Those defending a vision of a nonracist Brazil attribute such inequalities to mechanisms perpetuating class distinctions. This article examines how members of disadvantaged groups perceive their disadvantage and what determines self-reports of discriminatory experiences, using 2010 AmericasBarometer data. About a third of respondents reported experiencing discrimination. Consistent with Brazilian national myths, respondents were much more likely to report discrimination due to their class than to their race. Nonetheless, the respondent's skin color, as coded by the interviewer, was a strong determinant of reporting class as well as race and gender discrimination. Race is more strongly associated with perceived "class" discrimination than is household wealth, education, or region of residence; female gender intensifies the association between color and discrimination.

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Section: Perceiving Race Class and Gender Discrimination In Brazilmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is It Race, Class, or Gender? The Sources of Perceived Discrimination in Brazil

Layton¹,

Smith²

2017

Lat. Am. polit. soc.

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“…Yet there is considerable evidence that identity-based cleavages are not overtly salient in Brazil; that is, even though the country is regionally and racially heterogeneous, subnational origin and skin color are only weakly politicized at best. 5 With both the main electoral rules broadly stable and the main conventional social cleavages insufficiently politicized, we have to rule them out as potential causes for hyperfragmentation.…”

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confidence: 99%

Fragmentation Without Cleavages? Endogenous Fractionalization in the Brazilian Party System

Zucco¹,

Power²

2021

comp polit

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This article investigates the causes of party system hyperfragmentation in Brazil. We ask why hyperfragmentation—understood as extreme multipartism that continues to fractionalize—occurs despite significant changes to social cleavages or to electoral rules. Using survey data from federal legislators, we rule out the possibility of new issue-based multidimensionality. Using new estimates of the ideological position of legislative parties, we show that new party entry was not driven by polarization or convergence among traditional parties. We advance an alternative explanation of “fragmentation without cleavages,” arguing that changing dynamics of electoral list composition, federal party funding, and coalition management have changed the context of political ambition. For strategically minded elites, it is more attractive than ever before to be a dominant player in a small party.

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“…I specify for the MatchIt function to use Mahalanobis distance, an 9. This measure has been used as a proxy by other authors, such as Bueno & Dunning (2017 alternative method to propensity score matching. I choose this method, as compared to propensity score matching, as the popular latter method has been shown to increase imbalance, inefficiency, model dependence, and bias (King & Nielson, 2019).…”

Section: Data and Research Designmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…. This measure has been used as a proxy for socioeconomic status in past studies, for example seeBueno & Dunning (2017).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Political Engagement and Crime Victimization: A Causal Analysis

Laterzo

2021

Rev. Lat. Op. Pub.

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In recent years, research has demonstrated that crime victimization serves as a catalyst to political engagement. However, much of this work has not addressed two key issues: 1) the true causality of this relationship, and 2) how victims’ identities and personal experiences might influence this relationship. This paper tackles these issues by testing the effect of victimization on non-electoral engagement using the Two-City, Six-Wave panel survey administered in Brazil between 2002 and 2006. It finds that the causal relationship between victimization and engagement only exists for participation in political party meetings. Furthermore, when exploring the role of individual identity and community context, only men, those who live in safe neighborhoods, and White Brazilians experience an increase in their engagement. Meanwhile, women, those in unsafe neighborhoods, and Afro-Brazilians do not experience such an increase. Those who have not experienced discrimination also increase their participation, while those who have experienced discrimination do not.

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Race, resources, and representation: Evidence from Brazilian politicians

Cited by 9 publications

References 21 publications

Is It Race, Class, or Gender? The Sources of Perceived Discrimination in Brazil

Is It Race, Class, or Gender? The Sources of Perceived Discrimination in Brazil

Fragmentation Without Cleavages? Endogenous Fractionalization in the Brazilian Party System

Political Engagement and Crime Victimization: A Causal Analysis

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