Rainbow Coalitions or Inter-Minority Conflict? Racial Affinity and Diverse Minority Voters

Besco, Randy

doi:10.2139/ssrn.2325159

Cited by 11 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…Without dismissing the importance of the AFN's call to vote and related social media campaigns, we hypothesized that one factor motivating Indigenous individuals to vote was the slate of candidates and that higher voter turnout in a number of Indigenous communities would be linked to a higher proportion of Indigenous candidates. This idea is consistent with the literature on affinity voting (Besco, 2015;Bird et al, 2011;Goodyear-Grant and Tolley, 2017), which suggests that historically disadvantaged groups are more likely to vote when there is a candidate with which they can identify. Based on the affinity voting model, we also tested the hypothesis that political parties who present an Indigenous candidate would receive more votes in constituencies with a high proportion of Indigenous voters.…”

supporting

confidence: 89%

“…This pattern is defined as ‘in-group’ or ‘affinity’ voting (Goodyear-Grant and Tolley, 2017). While not as prominent for women (Dolan, 1998; Dolan, 2014), evidence of affinity voting is particularly strong for ethno-cultural groups that are victims of stigmatization (Besco, 2015; Bird et al, 2011). Debate continues regarding the motivations behind affinity voting.…”

Section: Indigenous Peoples and The Franchise: An Ambiguous Legacymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Indigenous Peoples and Affinity Voting in Canada

2018

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Studies interested in Indigenous voting in Canada tend to focus on socio-economic, cultural and political factors that explain their lower levels of electoral participation. While highly relevant given Canada's ongoing reality as a settler-colonial state, these studies are of limited help in making sense of recent increases in electoral engagement in Indigenous communities across the country. Using data from four elections between 2006 and 2015, this study focuses instead on why some Indigenous individuals vote and how they vote. Our analysis suggests that one of many possible reasons for the recent surge in Indigenous turnout has to do with the candidates presenting themselves for elections. Higher voter turnout in Indigenous communities corresponds with a higher proportion of Indigenous candidates. This trend is consistent with the literature on affinity voting. We also find that political parties who present an Indigenous candidate receive more votes in constituencies with a high proportion of Indigenous voters.

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supporting

confidence: 89%

Section: Indigenous Peoples and The Franchise: An Ambiguous Legacymentioning

confidence: 99%

Indigenous Peoples and Affinity Voting in Canada

2018

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“…Rayside's piece (1992) on the institutionalization of homophobia in England and Smith's paper (1998) on how the Canadian Charter affected the “gay liberation” movement in Canada were the first articles in CJPS/RCSP that recognized diversity as constituting more than simply gender. In the 2000s, CJPS/RCSP had articles on race (Besco, 2015; Bilodeau et al, 2012; Hurwitz and Peffley, 2010; Nath, 2011; Thompson 2008) Thompson and Wallner, 2011; and on disability (Prince, 2001). “Finding Feminisms” included articles that for the first time in the journal's history substantively addressed transgender issues, gender fluidity and queer theory (F. MacDonald, 2017; Manning, 2017; Page, 2017), perhaps signalling the emergence of scholarship that “queers” CPS.…”

Section: Cps Gender and Diversitymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Future of Canadian Political Science: Boundary Transgressions, Gender and Anti-Oppression Frameworks

2018

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In light of theCanadian Journal of Political Science(CJPS) self-reflexive “50thAnniversary” issue on the state of Canadian political science (CPS), this article maps the discipline's engagement with intersectional anti-oppression scholarship. Analyzing abstracts inCJPSand theCanadian Political Science Review,we argue while these journals—and mainstream CPS more generally—tackle questions of diversity, there remains a gap between conversations recognized in these particular forums and the incorporation of what we term an intersectional anti-oppression lens. In its deconstruction of systems of power and privilege, we explore analytic and pedagogical possibilities this lens presents for mainstream CPS.

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“…Much of the existing work in the American literature focuses on Black voters (see Hutchings and Valentino, 2004 for a review), but there is growing attention to Latino voters (see Barreto, 2010), owing in part to the growing size of the Latino electorate, and there has been some attention to Asian American voters (see Lien, 1998). Most research includes strength of attachment to the racial or ethnic group in theoretical discussion and analyses, and much of the work consistently shows that race group salience moderates issue positions (Guerin et al, 1989), partisan choice (Dawson, 1994, 2001; Hutchings and Valentino, 2004), and willingness to vote for racial or ethnic in-group candidates (see Besco, 2015; Barreto, 2010; Goodyear-Grant and Tolley, 2015) as well as racial or ethnic out-group candidates (see Schaffner, 2011).…”

Section: Overlooking Strength Of Gender Identificationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Digging Deeper into the Gender Gap: Gender Salience as a Moderating Factor in Political Attitudes

Bittner

Goodyear-Grant

2017

Can J Pol Sci

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We know how sex (rather than gender) structures political preferences, but researchers rarely take into account the salience or importance of gender identity at the individual level. The only similar variable for which salience is commonly taken seriously is partisanship, for which direction and importance or strength are both considered imperative for measurement and analysis. While some scholars have begun to look at factors that may influence intragroup differences, such as feminism (Conover, 1988), most existing research implicitly assumes gender salience is homogenous in the population. We argue that both the content of gender identity (that is, what specifically is gender identity, as opposed to sex) as well its salience should be incorporated into analyses of how gender structures political behaviour. For some, gender simply does not motivate behaviour, and the fact that salience moderates the impact of gender on behaviour requires researchers to model accordingly. Using original data from six provincial election studies, we examine a measure of gender identity salience and find that it clarifies our understanding of gender's impact on political attitudes.

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Rainbow Coalitions or Inter-Minority Conflict? Racial Affinity and Diverse Minority Voters

Cited by 11 publications

References 2 publications

Indigenous Peoples and Affinity Voting in Canada

Indigenous Peoples and Affinity Voting in Canada

The Future of Canadian Political Science: Boundary Transgressions, Gender and Anti-Oppression Frameworks

Digging Deeper into the Gender Gap: Gender Salience as a Moderating Factor in Political Attitudes

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