Reanalyzing final consonant extrametricality

Lunden, Anya

doi:10.1007/s10828-013-9053-3

Cited by 8 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…A very clear link between duration and weight was found using rhymes as the weight domain by Lunden (2013). No published work that I am aware of has examined the link between duration and intervals as weight domains.…”

Section: Rhyme and Interval Comparisonsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A single consonant that has an underlying unit of weight (a mora), is realized as a geminate when syllable structure is such that the consonant occurs before a vowel, and so must serve as both the coda of one syllable and the onset of the following syllable, and thus be realized as a long consonant. More generally, there have been various phonetic studies that have shown direct links between syllable weight and duration, including Broselow et al (1997), Goedemans (1998), Gordon (2002), and Lunden (2011, 2013.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…Here, the sound files from the production experiment with native Norwegian speakers reported in Lunden (2013) are used to compare interval and rhyme measurements. This data is wellsuited to a comparison of the two theories, because nonce words of three syllables, all containing the vowel [A] were used, meaning that effects on syllable/interval duration due to syllable/interval size can be examined without regard to inherently differing vowel durations (Lehiste 1970).…”

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confidence: 99%

“…The final consonant extrametricality account, while needing a special stipulation about the right edge, can be seen 1.2 NORWEGIAN DATA, REMEASURED. The Norwegian data used is from production and perception studies originally reported in Lunden (2013). For the production study, fourteen native Norwegian speakers read nonce words of the basic form katapa in a carrier phrase.…”

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Syllable weight and duration: A rhyme/intervals comparison

Lunden

2017

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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Abstract. Steriade (2012) proposed intervals as a more appropriate syllable weight domain than rhymes. This study explores how interval weight cashes out as duration across word positions and compares this to a rhyme-based account. The data reported on in Lunden (2013), from native speakers of Norwegian (a language in which (C)VC syllables are heavy only non-finally) is reanalyzed with intervals. Lunden found that syllable rhymes in all three positions, if taken as a percentage of the average V rhyme in that word position, fell into a coherent pattern for weight. It is shown that interval durations allow for a similar, albeit less robust, pattern. The data from Lunden's (2013) perception experiment that tested the correlation between increased vowel duration and listeners' classification of syllable weight is also recast with interval durations, and the importance of the proportional increase over the raw increase, originally found for the rhyme data, is found to hold for the interval data. Thus, taking intervals as the weight domain is shown to result in reasonable durational relations between interval weights, although interval durations show less separation between some light and heavy units than the rhyme durations do.

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Section: Rhyme and Interval Comparisonsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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Syllable weight and duration: A rhyme/intervals comparison

Lunden

2017

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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“…Nakai (2013) connects utterance-final lengthening to final shortening. Barnes (2006) discusses phrase-final lengthening as the source of phrase-final syllable resistance to assimilation/reduction in many languages, and Lunden (2011Lunden ( , 2013 links word-level final lengthening to the phonological weight of word-final syllables. This work expands the evidence for the proposal in Lunden (to appear) that final lengthening can also be linked to word-final stress lapse in binary stress languages.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Duration, vowel quality, and the rhythmic pattern of English

Lunden

2017

Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology

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Languages with binary stress systems frequently tolerate a stress lapse over the final two syllables, but almost none tolerate a word-initial stress lapse. Lunden (to appear) argues that this lapse asymmetry can be explained by the presence of word-level final lengthening, which can then create the perception of prominence alternation in languages that use duration as stress correlate. The results of a production and a perception study with English speakers are presented which compare /ɑ/s that occur under stress lapse to /ɑ/s in non-stress-lapse positions. While word-final unstressed /ɑ/ is always longer than non-final unstressed /ɑ/, it is significantly longer when immediately following an unstressed syllable. Similarly, unstressed word-final /ɑ/ has a higher F1 and lower F2 than non-final unstressed /ɑ/, but word-finally this less-reduced vowel is closer to a full vowel when the final syllable is part of a stress lapse. The perception study finds that these differences have perceptual consequences that can lead to a perceived continued rhythm in stress lapse. The phonetic differences explain why a word-final unstressed vowel can be perceived as relatively strong when following an unstressed syllable but as relatively weak when following a stressed syllable.

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Probabilistic reduction and probabilistic enhancement

Cohen

2014

Morphology

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Reanalyzing final consonant extrametricality

Cited by 8 publications

References 16 publications

Syllable weight and duration: A rhyme/intervals comparison

Syllable weight and duration: A rhyme/intervals comparison

Duration, vowel quality, and the rhythmic pattern of English

Probabilistic reduction and probabilistic enhancement

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